m 


>l 


GIFT  OF 
SEELEY  W.  MUDD 

an</ 

GEORGE  I.  COCHRAN    MEYER  ELSASSER 
DR.  JOHN  R.  HAYNES    WILLIAM  L.  HONNOLD 
JAMES  R.  MARTIN         MRS.  JOSEPH  F.  SARTORI 

/«  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SOUTHERN  BRANCH 


WM     x 


EX  LIBPvIS 


JOHN 

FISKE 

IE-        .jf^-   • 

€% 


^ 


-X 


,0 


•UNIVERSITY  Of 


THE 


$ut)itcattou0  of  tije  prince 


Eftabliftied  May  25th,  1858. 


THE   ANDROS   TRACTS. 


VOLUME    THIRD. 


Boston: 

PRINTED    FOR    THE    SOCIETY, 

BY  JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON. 

1874. 


o   :   .  — '  .. 
J.  ^    4   0 


Committee  of  publication: 
WILLIAM    H.    WHITMORE. 


lUIIIHlillWilM 
'  7  'arufaffienf  jrin-rif- . 


THE 

ANDROS  TRACTS 


BEING  A  COLLECTION  OF 


PAMPHLETS   AND   OFFICIAL   PAPERS, 


ISSUED  DURING  THE  PERIOD  BETWEEN  THE  OVERTHROW 
OF   THE   ANDROS   GOVERNMENT  AND   THE   ESTAB- 
LISHMENT  OF   THE   SECOND   CHARTER   OF 
MASSACHUSETTS. 


Beprfntelr  from  tfje  ©rijjinal  dftjitiong  anti 


WITH  NOTES  BY  IV.  H.   WHITMORE. 


Boston: 

PUBLISHED    BY    THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 

1874. 


TABLE     OF     CONTENTS. 


[Each  pamphlet  and  part  is  paged  feparately;  but  at  the  foot  will  be 
found  the  continuous  pagination.] 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION ix-xv 

1.  CONSIDERATIONS  AGAINST  THE  CHARTER 1-9 

2.  ABSTRACT  OF  LAWS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 11-16 

3.  REPORT  BY  ANDROS  OF  HIS  ADMINISTRATION,  1690  ....  17-27 

4.  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 

i.  Andres's  Charges  againft  the  Government 3 1-33 

ii.  Anfwer  to  fame 34-38 

iii.  Anfwer  of  Agents  to  Weems,  March,  1690 39~4° 

iv.  Report  of  Privy  Council  acquitting  Andros,  April,  1690  .  41-43 

v.  Petition  of  Maffachufetts  Colony,  February,  1690    ...     .  43-45 

vi.  Letter  of  fame  to  Earl  of  Shrewfbury,  March  29,  1690     .  46-48 

vii.  Letter  of  fame  to  Earl  of  Shrewfbury,  July  19,  1690    .     .  48-51 

viii.  Governor  and  Council  to  Agents 52~57 

ix.  Appointment  of  Agents,  January,  1689-90 58-59 

x.  Inflations  to  Agents 59~6o 

xi.  Payment  of  Agents 61-63 

5.  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  ANDROS'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

i.  Lift  of  Documents  already  in  print 67-69 

ii.  J.  Palmer's  Letter,  July  4,  1686 69-70 

iii.  Petition  of  Eleutherian  Immigrants 7°-7J 

iv.  Andros  to  Lords  of  Treafury,  Aug.  31,  1687  ....  71-72 

v.  Andros  to  Lord  Prefident,  Aug.  31,  1687 72~74 

vi.  Andros  to  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty,  Sept.  5,  1687    .     74-75 


VI 

PAGE 

vii.  Andres's  Anfwer  to  the  Onondagos,  061.  30,  1687  .        76-78 

viii.  Pierre  Baudouin's  Petition 79-80 

ix.  Pierre  Baudouin,  Order  for  Grant  to,  Oft.  8,  1687  .        80 
x.  John  Scott's  Petition,  Feb.  13,  1867-68     ....        81-82 

xi.  Chriftopher  Talbot's  Petition 82-83 

xii.  William  Hutchins's  Petition,  July  19,  1688  .  .  .  83-84 
xiii.  J.  Blackwell,  about  the  Bank,  July  16,  1688  .  .  .  84-86 
xiv.  Andres's  Letter  to  Major  Gold,  Aug.  25,  1688  .  .  86-87 
xv.  Andres's  Letter  to  Colonel  Tyng,  Sept.  20,  1688  .  87-88 

xvi.  John  Stuart's  Petition,  O61.  19,  1688 89-90 

xvii.  Maffey's  Petition  about  the  Jail,  061.  30,  1688    .     .        90-91 

xviii.  A6t  againft  Emigration 92-93 

xix.  Andres's  Adherents  imprifoned 94      " 

xx.  J.  Weft's  Petition,  June  13,  1689 94 

xxi.  Letters  about  Andros's  Capture,  August,  1689    .     .  .  95-102 

xxii.  J.  Weft's  Petition,  O6t.  10,  1869 103 

xxiii.  J.  Dudley's  Petition,  061.  4,  1689 104 

xxiv.  J.  Sherlock's  Petition,  O61.  5,  1689 105 

xxv.  Sarah  Palmer's  Petition 106 

xxvi.  Rachel  Whitmore's  Petition 106 

xxvii.  Order  againft  Seditious  Publications 107 

xxviii.  J.  Dudley's  Petition,  Dec.  9,  1689 108 

xxix.  Petitions  of  Weft  and  others 109-110 

xxx.  J.  Riggs's  Letter  to  Danforth 1 1 1 

xxxi.  Extradition  of  Andros  and  others 111-113 

xxxii.  Maflacre  at  Schene6tady,  February,  1689-90  .     .     .  114-120 

6.  REPRINT  OF  A  PART  OF  COTTON  MATHER'S  MEMOIRS  OF 

REV.  INCREASE  MATHER 121-187 

Containing  as  notes  the  following  documents :  — 
i.  Addrefs  of  the  Congregations   in  New   England   to 

James  II 131-132 

ii.  Addrefs  of  Plymouth  Colony  to  James  II 133 

iii.  Memorial  of  the  Diffenters  of  New  England  ....  136 

iv.  Petition  of  Increafe  Mather 137 

v.  Petition  in  favor  of  Harvard  College 138 


Vll 

PAGE 

vi.  Memorial  of  Grievances 139 

vii.  Petition  of  Agents  to  Commiflioners  for  Trade   and 

Plantations 143 

viii.  Samuel  Mather's  Account  of  the  Plot  in  New  England  145 

ix.  Increafe  Mather's  Petition  to  King  William   ....  146 

x.  Order  in  Council 147 

xi.  Increafe  Mather's  Petition  to  turn  out  Andros    ...  149 
xii.  Petition  and  Reafons  againft  fending  a  Governor  to 

New  England 151-152 

xiii.  Order  in  Council 156 

xiv.  Order  in  Council 161 

xv.  Order  in  Council 163 

7.  AN  APPEAL  TO  THE  MEN  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  1689     .    .    .  189-210 

8.  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  RANDOLPH. 

i.  Biographical  Sketch 211-212 

ii.  Lift  of  Documents  already  in  Print 212-213 

iii.  Narrative  of  his  Voyages  to  New  England     ....  214-217 
iv.  Letter  from  Randolph  to  Governor  Leverett,  June  23, 

1676 218 

v.  Letter  from  Randolph  to  Council,  July  6,  1678  .     .     .  219-221 

vi.  Letter  from  Blathwayt  to  Randolph,  061.  22,  1681  .     .  222 
vii:  Elifha  Hutchinfon's  Quarrel  with  Randolph,  June  23, 

1682 223 

viii.  Commiffioners  of  Cuftoms  to  Randolph,  Aug.  7,  1686  224 

ix.  Randolph  to  Lords  of  Trade,  May  29,  1689  ....  225-235 

x.  Randolph  to  Brockholft,  Dec.  28,  1689 236 

xi.  Randolph  to  Lords  of  Trade,  May  30,  1698  ....  237-238 

9.  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY 241 

Act  to  incorporate  the  Society 242 

Conftitution .  243 

Rules  and  Regulations  of  the  Council 244 

Officers  of  the  Society 247 

Members 248 

Publications 252 

10.  INDEX 255 


INTRODUCTION. 


HE  third  volume  of  thefe  Tracts  is  but  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  difcuffion  of  the  matters 
comprifed  in  the  firft  two  volumes.  No  op- 
portunity arifes  for  the  memoir  of  a  new 
character,  for  the  chief  actors  are  ftill  Andros, 
and  Increafe  Mather.  We  may,  however,  be  allowed  here 
to  fay  that  the  criticifms  upon  the  preceding  volumes  have 
not  fhaken  our  belief  that  the  view  we  have  taken  in  regard 
to  Andros  will  be  found  to  be  nearer  the  truth  than  are  the 
current  ideas  as  to  his  acts  and  character.  We  regard  An- 
dros as  an  able  and  confcientious  agent  of  the  Crown,  by 
no  means  rapacious  or  over-bearing,  a  good  foldier  and 
adminiflrator,  and  the  firft  official  who  faw  the  political 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  alliances  with  the  Indians  to 
counteract  French  intrigues.  It  was  his  misfortune  that, 
being  a  Churchman,  he  was  fent  to  the  ftronghold  of  Con- 
gregationalifm ;  that,  as  the  agent  of  the  Crown,  he  was 
made  governor  over  a  number  of  disfranchifed  colonies ; 
that,  as  a  soldier  and  a  courtier,  he  was  placed  in  a  com- 
munity in  which  the  Puritan  clergy  ftill  ufurped  a  com- 
manding 


manding  influence.  We  may  add,  that  it  was  the  peculiar 
misfortune  of  Andros  to  encounter  in  Increafe  Mather  a 
man  of  equal  ability  and  more  fervent  convictions.  It  was 
undoubtedly  fortunate  for  us  that  Mather  succeeded ;  and 
that,  inftead  of  the  great  fmgle  dominion  of  New  England, 
New  York,  and  New  Jerfey,  over  which  Andros  ruled,  the 
fyftem  of  fmall,  independent,  and  difcordant  colonies  was 
revived.  We  cannot  doubt  that  the  change  which  refulted 
from  the  overthrow  of  the  firft  charter,  and  from  the  long 
contefts  with  the  Crown,  was  beneficial  in  the  end  to  the 
character  of  the  colonifls.  Still  more  evident  is  it  that  it  is 
unworthy  in  us,  after  our  anceftors  won  in  fo  great  a  con- 
teft,  to  continue  to  repeat  the  flanders  which  were  bred  in 
the  midft  of  the  conflict.  It  feems  far  better  to  acknowl- 
edge that  Andros,  at  leafl,  was  neither  a  fool  nor  a  rafcal ; 
but  that  he  acted  firmly  and  wifely  to  carry  out  the  fcheme 
of  creating  a  great  northern  dominion,  without  unduly 
oppreffing  his  enemies,  and  certainly  without  caufing  the 
flighteft  ftain  upon  his  character.  That  the  subordinate 
agents  of  his  government  —  men  appointed  by  the  Home 
authorities,  and  beyond  his  control  —  may  have  been  guilty 
of  petty  extortions  and  abufes  of  power,  is  very  probable. 
But  the  fact  remains,  that  Andros  —  in  the  time  when  the 
Papifts  had  fuffered  from  the  fury  infpired  by  the  pretended 
Popifh  plots,  when  the  ignorant  followers  of  Monmouth 
had  afforded  the  chance  for  the  ferocious  brutality  of  Jef- 
freys, when  the  Covenanters  of  Scotland  were  hunted  like 
wild  beafts  —  Andros  neither  killed  nor  imprifoned.  In  a 
community  which  had  freely  exercifed  the  power  of  killing 

or 


XI 


or  banifhing  thofe  who  difputed  its  rules  of  political  or 
theological  belief,  —  a  community  which  banifhed  thofe  who 
reviled  its  charter,  and  which  hung  thofe  who  blafphemed 
againft  its  church,  —  Andros,  fo  far  from  affuming  the  part 
of  an  avenging  adminiflrator  of  its  own  bad  laws,  appears 
only  as  the  unwelcome  tax-collector.  Except  the  one  ridic- 
ulous ftruggle  as  to  whether  an  Epifcopal  church  mail  be 
allowed  here,  the  whole  burden  of  complaint  is  in  regard  to 
matters  of  money.  Surely,  then,  it  is  well  to  ceafe  com- 
plaining about  the  tyranny  of  Andros ;  and  to  dwell  with 
more  reafonable  fatisfaction  upon  the  fact  that,  however 
able  and  upright  he  was,  he  was  overcome  and  driven  away 
by  greater  ability,  fincerity,  and  patriotifm. 

In  our  three  volumes  are  collected  all  the  pamphlets  re- 
lating to  the  Andros  period,  fo  far  as  we  have  knowledge 
of  them,  with  one  exception.  In  our  fecond  volume,  p.  203- 
221,  is  printed  the  pamphlet  entitled  "  New  England's  Fac- 
tion difcovered  ....  being  an  anfwer  to  a  pamphlet 
entitled  'News  from  New  England,  &c.,'  1690."  As  the 
writer  of  the  "  Faction  Difcovered  "  replies  in  detail  to  the 
"  News,  &c.,"  we  can  form  an  idea  of  its  contents,  and  can 
fafely  fay  that  this  "  News  "  was  a  different  pamphlet  from 
any  in  our  collection.  Thus  far,  however,  all  fearches  for 
this  pamphlet  have  been  ufelefs ;  and  we  can  only  hope 
that  it  may  hereafter  be  found. 

In  the  prefent  volume,  we  may  call  attention  efpecially  to 
the  three  very  rare  pamphlets,  Nos.  i,  2,  and  7.  Of  thefe, 
the  "  Confiderations  againft  the  Charter  "  and  the  "  Abftract 

of 


Xll 


of  Laws  of  New  England  "  were  referred  to  in  our  fecond 
volume,  and  are  reprinted  from  copies  in  the  Britifh  State 
Paper  Office,  poffibly  unique.  The  "  Appeal  to  the  Men 
of  New  England "  is  alfo  of  confiderable  bibliographical 
value,  as  being  heretofore  unknown,  and  as  being  the  pre- 
curfor  of  the  "  Further  Quaeries  "  printed  in  our  firft  volume. 
A  very  few  papers  have  been  reprinted  from  the  New  York 
Documents,  edited  by  J.  R.  Brodhead,  Efq.  Some  fixty 
pages  are  given  to  a  reprint  of  a  part  of  Cotton  Mather's 
Life  of  his  father,  Increafe  Mather.  The  portion  thus 
{elected  covers  the  whole  period  of  Mather's  political  fo- 
journ  in  England;  and,  though  we  had  before  availed  our- 
felves  of  many  of  the  facts,  our  readers  will  no  doubt  be  glad 
to  have  an  exact  reprint  of  the  original  narrative.  As  an- 
notations to  the  text  of  this  part,  we  have  freely  ufed  that 
portion  of  Prince's  collection  of  papers  which  elucidated 
the  account ;  ufing  therefor  the  copies  printed  in  the  col- 
lections of  the  Maffachufetts  Historical  Society. 

The  numerous  documents  in  the  archives  of  the  State 
have  been  again  put  under  contribution  to  complete  our 
volume.  Moft  of  our  extracts  refer  directly  to  the  pam- 
phlets reprinted ;  a  few  others  have  been  felected  as  giving 
curious  bits  of  information  in  regard  to  the  period. 

As  illuftrations  to  this  volume,  we  have  reproductions,  by 
the  heliotype  procefs,  of  two  engravings  made  from  the 
fame  portrait  of  Increafe  Mather.  The  one  engraved  by 
Sturt  is  reproduced  from  a  copy  printed  by  the  fame  pro- 
cefs, fome  years  ago,  at  the  fuggefKon  of  J.  Hammond 

Trumbull, 


Xlll 


Trumbull,  Efq.  We  are  unable  to  ftate  in  what  form  the 
original  appeared,  though  pofTibly  it  was  ufed  as  the  fron- 
tifpiece  to  fome  book.  The  fame  plate  by  Sturt  was  ufed 
for  the  portrait  prefixed  to  Cotton  Mather's  Life  of  Increafe 
Mather  (the  "  Parentator,"  which  we  have  copied) ;  but  in 
this  impreffion  the  laft  line  has  been  altered  to  read,  "  ^tatis 
suae  85,  1 724."  '  The  figures  "  85  "  and  "  1 724  "  are  new ;  and 
the  little  line  of  dots  under  them  is  wanting  on  the  "  Paren- 
tator "  plate,  mowing  the  alteration.  We  have  preferred  to 
give  the  earlier  form  of  the  plate. 

The  other  engraving,  from  the  fame  painting,  is  by 
R.  White,  and  is  of  value  as  mowing  the  name  of  the 
painter,  Vanderfpirit.  The  original  engraving  is  prefixed 
to  a  book  entitled  "  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  the  late  Rev- 
erend INCREASE  MATHER,  D.D.,  who  died  Aug.  23,  1723. 
With  a  Preface  by  the  Reverend  Edmund  Calamy,  D.D. 
London :  printed  for  John  Clark  and  Richard  Hett  at  the 
Bible  and  Crown  in  the  Poultry,  near  Cheapfide,  M  DCC  xxv. 
Price  is" 

The  painter  of  this  portrait  was  probably  John  Vander 
Spriett,  or  Vanderfpirit,  of  whom  SPOONER  writes  that  "  he 
ftudied  under  Verkolie,  at  Amflerdam,  and  executed  a  few 
indifferent  portraits.  He  went  to  London,  where  he  died 
about  1 700."  We  may  fairly  conclude  that  the  portrait  was 
painted  during  Mather's  official  vifit  to  England,  about 
1690. 

As  to  the  engravers,  the  fame  authority  (Spooner)  ftates 
that  JOHN  STURT  "was  born  at  London  in  1658,  and  died 

there 


XIV 


there  in  1730.  He  was  a  pupil  of  Robert  White,  and  his 
chief  excellence  confifled  in  engraving  ornamental  letters." 
"  ROBERT  WHITE,  an  Englifh  defigner  and  engraver,  born 
at  London  in  1645,  and  died  in  1704.  He  was  a  pupil 
of  David  Loggan,  for  whom  he  defigned  and  engraved 
feveral  architectural  views.  He  engraved  an  immenfe  num- 
ber of  portraits  of  diflinguiflied  perfonages,  from  his  own 
defigns,  and  after  Kneller,  Vandyck,  and  other  eminent 
painters.  Mofl  of  his  plates  are  executed  with  the  graver, 
in  a  neat,  clear  flyle.  They  are  chiefly  valued  for  their  f ub- 
jecls  and  their  excellent  likenefs.  He  alfo  engraved  a  few 
heads  in  mezzotinto ;  but  they  are  far  inferior  to  his  other 
.prints.  ...  At  his  death,  a  printfeller  purchafed  his  plates, 
and  realized  a  fortune  from  them."  His  fon,  George  White, 
was  alfo  an  artift  and  engraver.  He  flourimed  from  1 700 
to  1732.  It  will  be  noticed  that  this  White  engraving  is 
clearly  from  a  plate  different  from  the  Sturt  one.  Yet, 
though  figned  "  R.  White,"  if  the  date  be  that  of  the  en- 
graving (which  it  does  not  purport  to  be),  the  artift  could 
not  be  the  famous  Robert  White,  who  died  twenty  years 
before. 

The  moft  plaufible  folution  which  we  can  offer  is  this: 
i  st.  That  Robert  White  did  engrave  a  portrait  before  1704, 
and  that  this  either  had  no  date  or  one  correfponding  with 
fuch  publication.  2nd.  That  in  1719  a  copy  was  made  by 
White's  pupil,  Sturt ;  and  the  plate  was  fent  to  this  country, 
to  be  ufed  either  for  meet-impreffions  or  for  the  illuftration  of 
fome  book.  3rd.  That  Sturt's  plate  was  corrected  as  to  date 
in  1724,  and  prefixed  to  the  "  Parentator;"  but  this  might 

have 


XV 


have  been  done  as  well  in  England,  if  the  plate  remained 
there  inflead  of  being  fent  here.  4th.  That  White's  plate 
received  a  dated  infcription,  which  muft  have  been  put  on 
after  1723,  for  the  purpofe  of  being  ufed  in  this  fecond 
Life  of  Increafe  Mather;  which,  of  courfe,  would  be  per- 
fectly compatible  with  the  idea  that  the  plate  was  White's 
work. 


[Confiderations  againft  the  Charter, 

PRESENTED    TO    PARLIAMENT    IN    1689,  DURING   THE    DISCUSSION 
ABOUT   THE    CORPORATION    BILL.] 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


IN  prefenting  the  following  two  tracts  as  a  part  of  the  Andros  and  Mather 
controverfy,  it  is  proper  to  flate  that  the  difcovery  of  thefe  rare  pamphlets 
has  modified  or  corrected  the  views  I  expreffed  in  the  preface  to  the  fecond 
volume  of  this  collection. 

I  withdraw  the  fuppofition  there  made  (Preface,  p.  xv.),  that  Mather  publifhed 
his  "New  England  Vindicated  "  in  1688,  during  the  reign  of  James  II. 

It  is  clear  that  the  following  two  tracts  appeared  before  "  New  England 
Vindicated"  (Tract  No.  8  of  vol.  ii.),  and  that  this  latter  was  followed  by  No.  10, 
"A  Short  Difcourfe."  Yet  it  feems  very  certain  that  thefe  pamphlets  were 
called  forth  by  the  action  of  Parliament  in  1689,  when  there  was  a  bill  for  the 
general  reftoration  of  charters,  commonly  known  as  the  Corporation  Bill. 

I  therefore  amend  my  previous  conjectures  (vol.  ii.  pp.  xv.  xviii.  xx.),  and 
place  the  "Miferies  of  New  England"  firft,  and  "New  England  Vindicated" 
fecond  in  date  among  Mather's  publications  in  England.  This  alfo  agrees 
exactly  with  his  own  words,  quoted  in  our  fecond  volume,  p.  2,  that  he  publifhed 
the  Narrative  of  the  Miferies  of  New  England,  and  afterwards  wrote  a  Firft, 
Second,  and  Third  Vindication  of  the  people  there. 

Thefe  three  Vindications  would  be :  the  firft,  our  Tract  No.  8  of  vol.  ii., 
"  New  England  Vindicated,"  appearing  in  1688  ;  the  fecond  would  be  our  Tract 
No.  1 1  in  vol.  ii.,  entitled  "  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  State  of  N.  E.,"  publifhed 
in  1689;  and  the  third  would  be  "A  Vindication  of  New  England,"  1690, 
which  is  Tract  No.  5  in  that  volume. 

Late  in  1690,  Mather  prepared  his  "Reafons  for  the  Confirmation  of  the 
Charters,"  which  is  No.  15  of  our  fecond  volume. 

The  following  Tract  was  copied  by  Mr.  Sainfbury  from  the  printed  docu- 
ment in  the  State  Paper  Office  ;  the  reference  being  to  "  New  England  B.  T., 
vol.  i.  p.  247."  He  adds  that  on  p.  290  he  finds  what  he  believes  to  be  the 
original  draft  in  the  handwriting  of  Sir  George  Treby,  Attorney-General.  In 
the  notes,  all  the  important  alterations  will  be  pointed  out,  our  text  following 
the  printed  text 

(2) 


CONSIDERATIONS 


HUMBLY  OFFERED  TO  THE 

PARLIAMENT,1 

SHEWING 

That  thofe  Charters  relating  to  the  Plantations  were  taken  away  upon  quite 

different  reafons  from  thofe  in  England,  thefe  Charters  being  feized  for 

the  abufe  of  their  Power,  in  deftroying  not  only  the  Woollen  and 

other  Manufaflures  but  alfo  the  very  Laws  and  Navigation 

of  England,  and  making  themfelves  as  it  were 

Independent  of  this  Crown.1 

LL  his  Majefties  Plantations  in  America  have 
been  either  difcovered  or  peopled  under  the 
encouragement  of  Charters  from  the  Crown  of 
England,  and  feveral  great  powers  and  privi- 
ledges  have  been  granted  to  Proprietors  and 
Corporations,  with  reftriclions  neverthelefs  that 
they  mould  depend  on  the  Crown,  and  as  they  have  their 
Protections  from  thence  and  from  Old-England,  fo  it  was 
always  underftood  that  thofe  Priviledges,  and  efpecially  the 
powers  of  Government,  mould  be  exercifed  fo  by  the  par- 
ticular Proprietors  and  Corporations,  as  not  to  prejudice  the 
interest  of  England ;  but  upon  all  occafions  procure  the  bene- 
fit and  be  created  by  the  authority  refiding  in  England ;  and 
as  often  as  the  Proprietors  and  Corporations  have  acted  con- 
trary hereunto,  their  Powers  have  been  queftioned  and  fet 
afide.  So  the  Great  Charter  of  Virginia  in  the  year  1632  was 

voided 

1  Inftead  of  this  claufe  the  original    more  particularly  relating  to  the  Maffa- 
draft  has,  "  upon  the  A£l  for  reftoring    chufetts  Bay  in  New  England." 
the  Charters  to  all   the  Corporations 

(3) 


[4] 

voided  and  the  Government  of  that  Colony  has  ever  fmce 
refted  in  the  Crown.  So  the  Charter  and  Propriety  of  the 
Earl  of  Carlifle,  which  made  him  abfolute  Lord  of  the  Carri- 
bee  Iflands,  was  call'd  for  at  the  Council  Board  in  the  year 
1663  and  there  furrendered.  So  the  Charters  for  the  New- 
found-Land in  divers  Reigns,  as  they  became  prejudicial  to 
the  fimery,  which  is  of  fo  great  importance  to  England,  was 
fet  afide.  So  were  many  other  Charters  annulled  in  the 
reign  of  King  Charles  the  Firft  and  King  Charles  the  Sec- 
ond, vacated  by  Quo  Warrantos  or  otherwife,  it  not  being 
thought  reafonable  that  while  they  enjoyed  all  other  advan- 
tages equally  with  their  Native  Country  of  England,  they 
mould  abufe  the  priviledges  granted  them2  by  exporting 
Wool  and  other  materials  for  manufacture,  befides  Tobacco 
and  Sugar  &c.  to  France,  Hamburg,  Holland,  and  other 
places  in  Europe,  and  importing  back  from  thofe  places  not 
only  Linnen  but  Woollen  and  all  other  Manufactures,  (which 
mould  be  of  the  Englim  growth),  Custom  free  ;  and  this  not 
only  for  their  own  confumption,  but  alfo  fupplying  therewith 
mofl  parts  of  the  World,  particularly  the  Englim  Plantations, 
which  according  to  the  Act  of  Navigation  ought  to  be  sup- 
plyed  from  Old  England,  after  Cuftoms  paid  in  and  out, 
whereby  they  were  inabled  to  bring  thofe  goods  ^50  per 
cent  Cheaper  to  their  market  there,  than  our  Merchants 
could  :  which  Trade  incouraged  their  building  fome  hun- 
dreds of  mips  which  were  imployed  in  thofe  illegal  trades,  to 
the  ruin  of  the  Englim  Navigation,  and  tho  their  mips  built 
there,  by  our  Law  were  as  free  as  thofe  built  here  in  Eng- 
land yet  not  above  ten  of  them  all  do  yearly  come  directly 
for  England,  but  were  imployed  fo  indirectly  as  aforefaid.2 
For  thefe  3  and  many  fuch  like  weighty  confiderations  and 

other 

1  Inftead  of  this,  the  draft  reads  :  "by    agement  thereof,  or  by  exercifing  other 
the  Crown,  either  by  fupplanting  the    powers  inconfiftent  with   the  Govern- 
trade  of  this  Kingdome  and  defeating    ment  of  England." 
the  A6ls  of  Parliament  for  the  encour-        3  The  draft  reads  only  "  reafons." 

(4) 


[5] 

other  practices  inconfiftent  with  the  intereft  and  government 
of  England,3  in  the  laft  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  the 
Second  the  Charter  of  the  Colony  of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay 
was  vacated  upon  a  Scire  Facias  :  Proof  having  been  plainly 
made,  as  it  may  be  again  when  it  fliall  be  neceffary,  of  their 
afiuming  the  regal  power  of  coyning  many  and  different  spe- 
cies of  filver,  giving  a  bafer  alloy  than  is  practifed  in  Eng- 
land ;  Their  making  Laws  and  putting  them  in  execution  for 
impofing  Taxes  upon  the  fhipping  and  Manufacture  of  Eng- 
land coming  into  their  Ports,  difcouraging  as  much  as  in 
them  lay  the  Trade  of  the  Englifh  thereby  to  render  the 
(hipping  of  their  own  Built  the  more  valuable  and  reffcrain- 
ing  and  difcountenancing  the  execution  of  the  Acts  of  Par- 
liament by  their  Printed  Laws.  Their  impofing  an  Oath  cai.  i4 
of  Fidelity  to  their  Commonwealth  as  their  Law  Books & 
terms  it. 

Their  incroaching  upon  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  pof- 
f effing  themfelves  in  a  hoffcile  manner  of  the  Propriety  of 
others  not  fubject  to  their  Government,  and  upon  complaints, 
petitions  and  orders  at  the  Council  Board,  giving  no.redrefs, 
but  even  affronting  and  contemning  the  authority  of  the 
Commiffioners  appointed  by  King  Charles  the  Second  to 
determine  the  Appeals  of  others  againft  the  invafions  of  that 
Colony. 

Their  making  Laws  againft  all  other  opinions  in  religion 
except  that  of  the  Congregational  Churches,  and  more  efpe- 
cially  againft  that  of  the  Church  of  England. 

Their  treating  ill  the  Captains  of  the  King's  Ships  in  time 
of  War  for  defiring  permiffion  to  recruit  themfelves  with 
men  and  victuals,  in  order  to  purfue  the  King's  fervice  in 
the  protection  of  his  fubjects  in  thofe  parts,  particularly  thofe 

belonging  to  the  Fifhery.4 

Their 

3  See    previous    page  ;     the    altered    many  of  the  Englifh  feamen  had  with- 
clause  runs  from  3  to  3.  drawn  themfelves  thither  to  avoid  ferv- 

4  The  MS.  adds  :  "  Notwithftanding    ing  the  King  in  his  wars  at  home." 

(5) 


[6] 

Their  entertaining  Pirats  and  encouraging  them  to  come 
and  victual  there. 

In  the  mean  time  they  remain  free  from  all  the  Taxes  and 
Impofitions  which  now  or  at  any  other  time  are  laid  upon 
England,  without  contributing  in  any  manner  to  the  aid  of 
the  Crown,  or  even  to  their  own  protection  or  fupport. 

The  people  of  New  England  in  general  are  better  fatif- 
fied  with  the  prefent  Government,  there  being  only  fome  men 
in  former  authority  that  defire  the  reftoring  the  Charter ; 
And  if  they  mail  be  at  liberty  again  to  exercife  their  unlim- 
ited and  arbitrary  power,  they  will  draw 5  the  inhabitants  and 
efpecially  the  labouring  and  manufacturing  People  of  Eng- 
land, who  will  find  it  more  eafie  to  live  there  than  in  their 
native  Country ;  and  as  the  fame  Manufactures  are  now  car- 
ried on  there  that  are  fet  up  in  England,  fo  by  this  farther 
encouragement  as  they  will  not  depend  in  Government,  fo 
they  will  carry  on  a  feparate  Trade  to  the  palpable  impover- 
ifhment  of  England,6  and  highly  prejudicial  as  well  as  con- 
trary to  the  Laws  thereof.6 

The  reftoring  of  this  Charter  will  alfo  be  of  very  great 
advantage  to  the  French,  who  border  upon  New  England 
and  will  daily  make  incurfions  upon  them,  which  they  will 
be  the  better  enabled  to  do  by  fuch  a  dif-union  of  this  and 
the  many  other  Colonies  of  New  England  and  their  inde- 
pendancy  upon  the  Government  of  Old  England. 

Nor  was  the  Charter  firft  profecuted  in  the  late  King's 
reign,  but  in  the  reign  of  King  Charles  the  I.,  tho'  no  judg- 
ment was  recorded,  the  Wars  preventing  till  the  reign  of 
King  Charles  the  II.  Neither  was  it  done  then  upon  the 
late  meafures,  but  upon  other  important  reafons  of  State, 
fome  of  which  are  above  mentioned. 

Upon  the  diffolution  of  this  Charter,  the  illegal  trade  fo 

notoriouily 

6  The  MS.  has  "drein,"  and  the  word        •  Not  in  firft  draft, 
fhould  probably  be  "  drain." 

(6) 


[7] 

notorioufly  carried  on  by  the  people  of  New  England,  was 
then  ftopt ;  which  when  they  found,  and  that  they  could  not 
trade  but  upon  even  terms  with  others  of  His  Majefties  fub- 
jects,7  fome  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  7  brought 
over  feveral  indications  of  Mines  of  Copper  &c.  which  they 
had  difcovered  fome  years  fmce,8  but  were  not  arrived  to 
eftate  enough  to  opperate  the  fame  themfelves ;  and  being 
prevented  in  their  former  trade  were  willing  to  take  in  part- 
ners here  in  England,  with  whom  they  joined  in  a  petition  to 
the  late  King  James 9  to  be  incorporated  with  certain  privi- 
ledges  &  immunities  the  better  to  enable  them  to  go  on 
with  the  Undertaking :  which  was  gracioufly  received  and 
in  all  probability  had  been  accomplifhed  before  now,  had  not 
the  late  Revolution  hapned,  feveral  of  His  Majefties  fubjects 
having  fubfcribed  a  fond  of  near  ,£100,000  for  carrying  on 
the  work,  and  have  already  expended  confiderable  fums  of 
money  upon  experiments  and  to  obtain  a  Charter  of  Incor- 
poration. 

But  fmce  the  vote  paffed  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  for 
the  reftoring  of  Charters  and  Corporations  to  the  fame  ftate 
and  condition  they  were  in  the  Year  1660,  the  New  Eng- 
land men  hoping  thereby  to  be  reftored  to  their  old  Gov- 
ernment, whereby  they  might  re-affume  their  former  power 
and  with  the  fame  freedom  as  heretofore,  profecute  their 
former  illegal  trade.  They  have  withdrawn  themfelves  from 
any  further  folicitation  for  the  Charter  for  working  the  Cop- 
per Mines,  pretending  that  when  their  old  Charter  is  reftored 
the  King  has  no  immunities  to  grant ;  But  if  the  Partners 
will  go  on,  they  muft  petition  their  Government  for  it ;  pro- 
pofmg  that  the  Company  for  the  management  thereof,  (which 

was 

7  "  Several    eminent    merchants    of       9  This    mows    that    this    tra<5l  was 
that  place,"  in  MS.  printed  after  the  Revolution  in  Eng- 

8  MS.  adds  :  "  for  the  working  whereof    land, 
they  publifhed  their  propofals  for  a.  joint 
ftock  for  fuch  perfons  as  were  willing." 

(7) 


[8] 

was  intended  to  refide  here  and  would  have  brought  in  a  con- 
fiderable  profit  as  well  to  His  Majefty  in  his  Revenue  as  to 
the  whole  Nation)  fhould  refide  in  New  England ;  and  that 
all  the  Stock  fhould  be  at  their  difpofal,  which  will  wholly 
overthrow  the  Undertaking.  For  that  fuch  as  having  Eftates 
in  England  are  concerned  in  their  undertaking  will  never 
agree  that  their  Stock  fhall  be  tranfported  to  parts  fo  far 
remote  and  under  a  Government  fo  independent  upon  the 
Crown  as  New  England  will  then  be.  Whereas  mould  this 
Undertaking  fucceed,  and  the  Mines  prove  as  good  as  by  the 
many  experiments  the  Undertakers  have  made  of  them,  may 
be  reafonably  expected,  that  Plantation  would  more  enrich 
this  Kingdome  than  all  His  Majefties  Dominions  befides. 

10  If  thefe  people  be  not  prevented  of  their  old  way  of 
Trade,  they  being  fo  large  and  fruitful  a  Countiy  muft  necef- 
farily  in  a  fhort  time  deftroy  the  trade  of  England,  by  improv- 
ing thofe  Manufactures  which  the  chief  trade  of  England 
depends  on,  and  they  do  in  fome  meafure  already  effect  it : 
And  this  cannot  be  done  if  they  have  the  Government  in 
their  own  hands,  but  may  with  eafe  be  performed  by  the 
King's  fuperintendancy,  whofe  Officers  may  have  fuch  in- 
ftruclions  as  mall  divert  them  from  all  prejudicial  trade,  and 
incourage  fuch  as  may  redound  as  well  to  theirs  as  to  the 
advantage  of  Old  England ;  and  nothing  can  be  thought  of 
comparable  to  their  Mines,  which  will  occafion  reciprocal 
returns  and  ferve  them  as  a  ftaple  Commodity,  of  which  they 
now  have  none. 

Should  the  Charters  for  Plantations  be  reftored,  as  they 
were  in  the  Year  1660,  then  all  thofe  Grants  made  by  any 
of  the  King's  Governours  fince  fuch  Charters  were  feized, 
would  revert  to  the  old  Government,  and  many  families 
ruined  thereby,  they  having  laid  out  their  fubftances  in  fub- 
duing  or  clearing  fuch  tract  of  grounds  as  the  Governours 

granted 

10  All  this  long  feftion  is  omitted  in  the  firft  draft. 
(8) 


[9] 

granted  them,  and  built  upon  them  paying  only  fuch  a  quit 
rent  yearly  to  the  Crown.10 

It  is  defired  That  the  Charter  of  the 
Maffachufetts  Bay  in  New  England, 
their  Law  Book,  and  the  A6ls  of  Trade 
and  Navigation,  of  the  14th  and  25°" 
of  King  Charles  the  II.  be  read. 

10  See  previous  page. 


•B 


[Abftraft  of  Laws  of  New  England,  contrary 
to  the  Laws  of  England. 

Printed  in  1689,  during  the  difcuffion  about  the  Corporation  Bill.] 


'THHE  following  pamphlet  was  copied  by  Mr.  Sainf  bury  from  one  in  the  State 
-*•      Paper  Office  (reference,    New  England,  B.  T.,  vol.  i.  p.  249),   and  is 
evidently  the  one  referred  to  on  p.  122  of  our  fecond  volume.     The  recovery 
of  this  very  rare  tra<5t  will  be  undoubtedly  a  gratification  to  our  readers. 


(12) 


AN  ABSTRACT  OF  SOME  OF  THE 


Printed  Laws  of  New  England 

Which  are  either  contrary,  or  not  agreeable  to  the  Laws  of  England,  which 

Laws  will  immediately  come  in  force,  in  cafe  the  Bill  in  Parliament  for 

the  reftoring  the  Charters  of  the  Plantations  doth  pafs,  and 

are  not  controllable,  by  any  authority  in  England,  as 

they  pretend  by  their  Charters. 

O  Law  to  be  fubmitted  to,  but  what  is  made  in 
their  General  Court  (the  Parliament  of  England 
not  excepted).  Adultery  made  Capital. 

If  any  man  confpire  and  attempt  any  invafion, 
infurreclion  or  publique  rebellion  againfl  our 
Common  Wealth,  or  mall  endeavour  to  furprize  any  Town, 
Fort  or  Forts  therein  or  mail  treacheroufly  and  perfidioufly 
attempt  the  alteration  and  fubverfion  of  our  frame  of  polity, 
or  Government  fundamentally,  he  mall  be  put  to  death. 

If  any  man  have  a  ftubborn  or  rebellious  Son  of  fufficient 
years  of  underftanding  (viz.)  fixteen  years  of  age,  which  will 
not  obey  the  voice  of  his  father,  or  the  voice  of  his  [mjother, 
and  that  when  they  had  chaftened  him  will  not  hearken  unto 
them,  then  fhall  his  Father  and  Mother,  being  his  Natural 
Parents,  lay  hold  on  him  and  bring  him  to  the  Magiftrates 
affembled  in  Court,  and  teflifie  unto  them,  that  their  Son  is 
ftubborn  and  rebellious,  and  will  not  obey  their  voice  and 
chaftifement,  but  lives  in  fundry  and  notorious  crimes :  Such 
a  Son  lhall  be  put  to  death. 

Ravifhment 
03) 


Page  i. 

P-  'S.  §9 
§12. 


§14- 


[2] 

5l5.  Ravifhment  left  to  be  punifhed  by  difcretion  of  Judges. 

P.  34.  It  is  hereby  declared,  That  the  General  Court  confiding  of 

Magiflrates  and  Deputies  is  the  chief  Civil  Power  of  this 
Common-Wealth,  which  only  hath  power  to  raife  Money 
and  Taxes  upon  the  whole  Country  and  difpofe  of  Lands, 
(viz.)  to  give  and  confirm  Proprieties,  appertaining  to,  and 
immediately  derived  from  the  Country,  and  may  act  in  all 
affairs  of  this  Common- Wealth  according  to  fuch  power,  both 
in  matters  of  Counfel,  making  of  Laws,  and  matters  of  judi- 
cature, by  impeaching  and  fentencing  any  perfon  or  perfons 
according  to  Law,  and  by  receiving  and  hearing  any  com- 
plaints, orderly  prefented  against  any  perfon  or  Court. 

P-  43,  ss,  56.  None  to  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  their  Common- 
wealth unlefs  of  their  Church  and  in  full  communion,  and 
members  of  their  Church. 

By  which  it  appears,  that  that  part  of  the  Bill  for  reftoring  Charters  fet 
forth  in  the  preamble,  (viz.)  the  Encouragement  of  the  Eftablimed  Reli- 
gion, will  not  be  anfwered,  but  on  the  contrary,  by  reftoring  the  Charters 
of  New-England  thefe  Penal  and  Prohibitory  Laws  in  Ecclefiaftical  mat- 
ters will  be  revived,  and  the  Eftablimed  Religion  thereby  difcourag'd  or 
wholly  fuppreffed,  whereas  by  the  vacating  and  Diflblution  of  thofe  Char- 
ters and  Laws  the  Eftablimed  Religion  was  promoted. 

p.  45,  §15-          Penalty  of  not  coming  to  their   Meetings  five  millings. 
P.  48,  §  4.      None  fuffered  to  vote  in  an  Affembly,  unlefs  they  come  to 
their  Worfhip. 

Whofoever  mail  be  found  obferving  any  fuch  day  as  Chrift- 
mafs,  or  the  like  ;  either  by  forbearing  labour,  feafting,  or  any 
other  way  upon  fuch  accompt  as  aforefaid,  every  fuch  perfon 
fo  offending  mall  pay  for  every  fuch  offence,  five  (hillings 
as  a  fine  to  the  County. 

Doth  hereby  Order  and  by  the  authority  of  this  Court 
be  it  Ordered  and  Enacted,  That  no  Mafter  or  Commander 
of  any  Ship,  Barque,  Pinnance,  Ketch  or  other  Veffel  fhall 
henceforth  bring  into  any  Harbour,  Creek  or  Cove  within 

this 

CM) 


[3] 

this  jurifdiction  any  known  Quaker  or  Quakers,  or  any 
Blafphemous  Hereticks  as  aforefaid,  upon  the  penalty  of  the 
forfeiture  of  one  hundred  pounds. 

Quakers  banifhed  on  pain  of  death.  P.  61. 

Several  laws  to  encourage  the  Manufacture  of  Leather  in    P.  63,  P.  as, 
that  Country. 

Nor  fhall  any  man  be  compelled  to  go  out  of  this  jurif-  P.  73. 
diction  upon  any  offenfive  wars,  which  this  Commonwealth 
or  any  of  our  Friends  or  Confederates  as*  fhall  voluntary 
undertake,  but  only  upon  fuch  vindictive  and  defenfive  Wars 
in  our  own  behalf,  or  the  behalf  of  our  Friends  and  Confed- 
erates as  fhall  be  enterprized  by  the  Council  and  Confent  of 
a  General  Court,  or  by  authority  derived  from  the  fame. 

It  is  therefore  Ordered  by  this  Court  and  authority  thereof,    P.  «». 
That  no  Perfon  whatfoever  in  this  jurifdiction  fhall  joyn  any 
perfons  together  in  marriage,  but  the   Magiftrate,  or  fuch 
other  as  the  General  Court,  or  Court  of  Affiftants  fhall  author- 
ize in  fuch  place  where  no  Magiftrate  is  near. 

Memorandum.  By  this  Law  many  thoufands  not  agreeing  to  the  rea- 
fonablenefs  of  it,  live  together  unmarried,  and  great  numbers  of  children 
unbaptized  by  reafon  of  the  like  Reflraints. 

This  Court  taking  into  ferious  confideration  the  great  p.  106. 
neceffity  of  upholding  the  Staple  Commodities  of  this  Coun- 
try for  the  fupply  and  fupport  of  the  inhabitants  thereof, 
and  rinding  by  experience,  the  bringing  in  of  Malt,  Wheat, 
Barly,  Bifket,  Beef,  Meal  and  Flower,  (which  are  the  princi- 
pal Commodities  of  this  Country)  from  Foreign  Parts,  to  be 
exceeding  prejudicial  to  the  fubfiftance  of  this  place  and  peo- 
ple here ;  Have  therefore  Ordered,  That  no  Perfon  whatfo- 
ever either  Inhabitant  or  Stranger,  fhall  directly  or  indirectly 
after  the  firft  of  March  next,  import  into  this  jurifdiction 
from  any  part  of  Europe,  any  of  the  aforefaid  Provifions, 

under 

*  as  is  clearly  fuperfluous. 
(15) 


[4] 


under  the  penalty  of  confiscation  of  the  fame,  (except  it  be 
for  the  fhips  provifions)  that  fhall  be  fo  imported,  landed,  fet 
to  fale,  or  otherwife  difpofed  contrary  to  the  intent  of  this 
order. 

P.  II7.  A  Mint  for  coines  of  all  values,  fet  up  with  all  its  appur- 

tenances. No  notice  being  of  the  King  in  the  Stamp  or 
allay. 

P.  119.  ft  is  ordered,  And  by  this  Court  Declared,  That  no  man 

fhall  be  urged  to  take  any  Oath,  or  fubfcribe  to  any  Articles, 
Covenants,  or  Remonftrances  of  publick  and  Civil  Nature, 
but  fuch  as  the  General  Court  hath  confidered,  allowed  and 
required.  And  no  others  to  be  taken,  but  fuch  as  are 
allowed  by  the  General  Court.  The  Oaths  of  Allegiance 
and  Supremacy  not  excepted. 

P.  137 -«*          Whereas,  the  keeping  of  fheep  tends  much  to  the  benefit 
vjd^the  Laws  at  of  ^g  Country,  and  may  in  fhort  time  make  good  fupply 
towards  the  Cloathing  of  the  Inhabitants  if  carefully  pre- 
ferved.     And  forafmuch  as  all  places  are  not  fit  and  con- 
venient for  that  end,  &c. 

p  I4f  All  fhips  prohibited  to  unload  till  they  have  acknowledged 

•  their  Government,  and  greater  impofitions  upon  fhipping  of 

England  than  others  of  New-England. 

La^,Ideetohe      The  Execution  of  the  Acts  for  Trade  and  Navigation 
NfvSnlnd   made  ineradicable. 

By  which  Laws  and  their  Power  and  practice  of  making 
others  of  like  nature :  It  appears  how  neceffary  it  is  that  by 
authority  refiding  in  England  thefe  Northern  Colonies,  which 
are  endeavouring  to  improve,  and  have  already  fet  up  the 
Principal  Manufactures  and  Staple  Commodities  of  Old 
England,  ought  to  be  reflrained  in  the  point  of  Government 
and  remain  fubjec~t  to,  and  immediately  depending  on  the 
Crown. 

(16) 


[Report  by  Sir  Edmond  Andros 


OF 


HIS    ADMINISTRATION     OF     NEW    ENGLAND.] 


(17) 


14  r  I^HE  following  interefting  report  by  Andros  of  his  proceedings  in  New 
•*•  England  is  copied  from  the  documents  relating  to  the  colonial  hiftory  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  vol.  iii.  pp.  722-726;  the  original  being  preferved  at 
London.  As  will  be  noticed,  this  defence  was  made  after  the  return  of  Andros 
to  England,  and  his  appearance  at  the  Council  Board.  No  notes  have  been 
added  to  it,  fince  the  reader  will  find  in  our  previous  volumes  the  reply  to 
the  affertions  made  in  this  review  of  the  tranfaction  in  New  England. 


(18) 


SIR  EDMOND  ANDROS' 


Report  of  his  Adminiftration. 

[New  England,  V.  223.] 

To  the  Right  Honble  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade 

and  Plantations. 

The  Jlate  of  New  England  under  the  goverment  of  Sr  Edmond  Andros. 

HAT  in  the  yeare  1686  Sr  Edmond  Andros 
was  by  commiflion  undr  the  Create  Seale  of 
England  appoynted  to  fucceed  the  Prefident 
Dudley  &  Councill  in  the  goverment  of  the 
Maffachufetts  Collony,  the  Provinces  of  Hamp- 
fhire  and  Maine  and  the  Narraganfett  Country,  to  wch  was 
annexed  the  Collonyes  of  Rhoad  Ifland  New  Plymouth  and 
the  County  of  Cornwall. 

In  the  yeare  1687.  the  Collony  of  Conneclicott  was  alfo 
annexed  and  in  the  yeare  1688.  he  received  a  new  Commif- 
fion  for  all  New  England  includeing  the  Province  of  New 
Yorke  and  Eaft  &  Weft  Jerfey,  with  particuler  order  and 
directions  to  affert  and  protect;  the  Five  warlike  Nations 
or  Cantons  of  Indians,  lying  Weft  from  Albany  above  the 
heads  of  or  rivers  as  far  or  beyond  Maryland  vizt  Maquaes, 
Oneydes,  Onondages,  Caeujes,  and  Sennekes,  as  the  Kings 

mbiects 
(19) 


fubje<5ts  upon  whom  the  French  had  made  feverall  incur- 
fions,  &  to  demand  the  fetting  at  liberty  feverall  of  them 
furprized  and  deteyned  by  the  French,  and  reparation  for 
fundry  goods  taken  from  feverall  Chriftians  His  Majefties 
fubjecls  in  the  lawfull  profecution  of  their  trade. 

Sr  Edmond  Andros  upon  receipt  of  his  Commiffion  went 
to  New  Yorke  and  Albany  of  which  the  Indians  having 
notice,  altho'  they  were  then  mett  in  Councill  'about  goeing 
to  Canada  came  thither,  and  were  fetled,  and  confirmed 
undr  his  goverment. 

He  forthwith  fignifyed  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  His  Maties 
pleafure  relateing  to  the  Indians,  and  made  demand  from 
him,  purfuant  to  the  above  orders,  and  alfoe  to  quitt  a  con- 
fiderable  fort  which  by  incroachment  he  had  built  at  Oniagra 
in  the  Senneka's  Country  fouthward  of  the  Lake  within 
His  Maties  dominion,  about  one  thoufand  miles  diftant  from 
Quebeck  in  Canada  (notwithflanding  all  the  endeavours  and 
oppofition  made  by  the  Govern1  of  New  Yorke,  before  the 
annexation)  upon  an  advantageous  pafs,  neare  the  Indians 
hunting  places,  capable  greatly  to  annoy  and  awe  the  Indians 
and  obftruct  and  hinder  the  trade  with  them ;  That  there- 
upon the  Governr  of  Canada  did  accordingly  withdraw  the 
garrifon  and  forces  from  the  fayd  Oniagra  and  thofe  parts, 
and  did  further  fignifie  that  the  Indians  by  him  taken  were 
fent  to  France,  but  would  write  to  the  King  his  mafter 
about  theire  releafement. 

The  feverall  Provinces  and  Collonys  in  New  England 
being  foe  united ;  the  revenue  continued  and  fetled  in  thofe 
parts,  for  the  fupport  of  the  government,  amounted  to  about 
twelve  thoufand  pounds  pr  annm  and  all  places  were  well  and 
quietly  fetled  and  in  good  pofture. 

The  Church  of  England  being  unprovided  of  a  place  for 
theyr  publique  wofhip,  he  did,  by  advice  of  the  Councill, 
borrow  the  new  meeting  houfe  in  Boflon,  at  fuch  times  as 

the 

(20) 


[3] 

the  fame  was  unufed,  untill  they  could  provide  otherwife ; 
&  accordingly  on  Sundays  went  in  between  eleven  and 
twelve  in  the  morning,  and  in  the  afternoone  about  fower ; 
but  underftanding  it  gave  offence,  haftned  the  building  of 
a  Church,  wch  was  effected  at  the  charge  of  thofe  of  the 
Church  of  England,  where  the  Chaplaine  of  the  Souldiers 
prformed  divine  fervice  &  preaching. 

He  was  alwayes  ready  to  give  grants  of  vacant  lands  and 
confirme  defective  titles  as  authorized  (the  late  Corporation 
not  haveing  paffed  or  conveyed  any  purfuant  to  the  directions 
in  their  Charter)  but  not  above  twenty  have  paffed  the  feale 
in  the  time  of  his  government. 

Courts  of  Judicature  were  fetled  in  the  feverall  parts,  foe 
as  might  be  moft  convenient  for  the  eafe  and  benefitt  of  the 
fubject,  and  Judges  appoynted  to  hold  the  Terms  and  goe 
the  Circuite  throughout  the  Dominion,  to  adminifter  juftice 
in  the  beft  manner  and  forme,  and  according  to  the  lawes 
Cuftomes  and  ftatutes  of  the  realme  of  England,  and  fome 
peculiar  locall  prudentiall  laws  of  the  Country,  not  repug- 
nant therto ;  and  fees  regulated  for  all  officers. 

That  particuler  care  was  taken  for  the  due  obfervance  of 
ye  feverall  Acts  made  for  the  encouragement  of  navigation 
and  regulateing  the  plantation  trade,  whereby  the  lawfull 
trade  and  His  Majeftys  revenue  of  Cuftoms  was  confider- 
ably  increafed. 

The  Indians  throughout  the  goverm1  continued  in  good 
order  and  fubjection  untill  towards  the  latter  end  of  the 
yeare  1688.  by  fome  unadvifed  proceedings  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants in  the  Eaftern  parts  of  New  England,  the  late  rupture 
with  the  Indians  there  commenced,  feverall  being  taken  and 
fome  killed,  when  Sir  Edmond  Andros  was  at  New  Yorke 
more  than  three  hundred  miles  diflant  from  that  place ;  and 
upon  his  fpeedy  returne  to  Bofton  (haveing  viewed  and  fetled 
all  parts  to  the  Weft  ward)  great  part  of  the  garrifon  foldiers 

with 

(21) 


[4] 

with  flores  &  other  neceffarys  were  imediately  fent  Eaft- 
ward  to  reinforce  thofe  parts,  and  veffells  to  fecure  the  coaft 
&  fifhery,  and  further  forces  rayfed  and  appoynted  to  be 
under7  the  command  of  Majr  Gen11  Winthrop,  who  falling 
fick  and  declineing  the  fervice,  by  advice  of  the  Councill  he 
went  with  them  in  perfon  and  by  the  fettlement  of  feverall 
garrifons,  frequent  partyes,  marches  &  purfuits  after  the 
enemy,  fometimes  above  one  hundred  miles  into  the  defart 
further  than  any  Chriftian  fettlement  in  wch  the  officers 
and  fouldiers  of  the  ftanding  forces  always  imployed)  takeing 
and  deftroying  their  forts  and  fettlemts,  corne,  provifion,  am- 
municon  &  canooes,  difperfed  and  reduced  them  to  the  utter- 
moft  wants  and  neceffitys,  and  foe  fecured  the  Countrey,  that 
from  the  faid  forces  goeing  out  untill  the  time  of  the  late 
revolucon  there,  and  diforderly  calling  the  forces  from  thofe 
parts,  not  the  leaft  lofs,  damage  or  fpoyle  hapned  to  the 
inhabitants  or  fifhery,  and  the  Indians  were  ready  to  fubmitt 
at  mercy. 

About  the  latter  end  of  March  1688.  Sr  Edmond  Andros 
returned  for  Bofton,  leaveing  the  garrifons  and  fouldiers  in 
the  Eafterne  parts  in  good  condition,  and  fufficiently  fur- 
nifhed  wth  provifions  and  all  flores  and  imply  me  nts  of  warr 
and  veffells  for  defence  of  the  coaft  and  fifhery. 

On  the  i8th  of  Aprill  1689.  feverall  of  His  Maties  Councill 
in  New  England  haveing  combined  and  confpired  togeather 
with  thofe  who  were  Magiftrates  and  officers  in  the  late 
Charter  Goverment  annually  chofen  by  the  people,  and 
feverall  other  prfons,  to  fubvert  and  overthrow  the  gover- 
ment,  and  in  ftead  thereof  to  introduce  their  former  Comon- 
wealth ;  and  haveing  by  their  falfe  reports  and  afperfions 
gott  to  their  affiftance  the  greateft  part  of  the  people,  whereof 
appeared  in  arms  at  Bofton  undr  the  comand  of  thofe  who 
were  Officers  in  the  fayd  former  popular  goverment,  to 
the  number  of  about  two  thoufand  horfe  and  foote  ;  which 

ftrange 

(22) 


[5] 

flrange  and  fudden  appearance  being  wholly  a  furprize  to  Sr 
Edmond  Andros,  as  knowing  noe  caufe  or  occafion  for  the 
fame,  but  underftanding  that  feverall  of  the  Councill  were 
at  the  Councill  Chamber  where  (it  being  the  Ordinary 
Councill  day)  they  were  to  meet,  and  fome  pticularly  by 
him  fent  for  from  diflant  parts  alfo  there,  he  and  thofe  with 
him  went  thither.  And  tho'  (as  he  paffed)  the  flreets  were 
full  of  armed  men,  yett  none  offered  him  or  thofe  that  were 
with  him  the  leaft  rudenefs  or  incivillity,  but  on  the  contrary 
ufuall  refpecl: ;  but  when  he  came  to  the  Councill  Chamber 
he  found  feverall  of  the  fayd  former  popular  Majellrates  and 
other  cheife  prfons  then  prfent,  with  thofe  of  the  Councill, 
who  had  noe  fuitable  regard  to  him,  nor  the  peace  and  quiet 
of  the  Countrey,  but  inftead  of  giveing  any  affiftance  to 
fupport  the  Goverment,  made  him  a  prifoner  and  alfo 
imprifoned  fome  members  of  the  Councill  and  other  offi- 
cers, who  in  purfuance  of  their  refpeclive  dutyes  and  ftations 
attended  on  him,  and  kept  them  for  the  fpace  of  ten  months 
undr  fevere  and  clofe  confinement  untill  by  His  Maties  com- 
and  they  were  fent  for  England  to  anfwer  what  might  be 
objected  them,  Where,  after  fummons  given  to  the  prtended 
Agents  of  New  England  and  their  twice  appearance  at  the 
Councill  Board,  nothing  being  objected  by  them  or  others, 
they  were  difcharged.  In  the  time  of  his  confinement  being 
denyed  the  liberty  of  difcourfe  or  converfation  with  any 
prfon,  his  own  fervants  to  attend  him,  or  any  communication 
or  correfpondence  with  any  by  letters,  he  hath  noe  prticular 
knowledge  of  their  further  proceedings,  but  hath  heard  & 
undrftands :  — 

That  foone  after  the  confinem*  of  his  prfon,  the  Confed- 
erates [took  the]  fort  and  Caftle  from  the  Officers  that  had 
the  comand  of  them,  whom  they  alfo  imprifoned  and  dif- 
perfed  the  few  fouldiers  belonging  to  the  two  ftanding  Com- 
panyes  then  there,  as  they  did  the  reft,  when  they  recalled 

the 
(23) 


[6] 

the  forces  imployed  againft  the  Indians  Eaftward  (which  two 
Companys  are  upon  His  Maties  eftablifhment  in  England,)  in 
wch  fervice  halfe  a  company  of  the  ftanding  forces  at  New 
Yorke  being  alfo  imployed,  the  officers  were  furprifed  and 
brought  prifonrs  to  Bofton,  and  the  fouldiers  difperfed,  as  the 
remaining  part  of  them  at  New  Yorke  were  afterwards  upon 
the  revolucon  there.  The  other  company  was,  and  remained, 
at  Fort  Albany  and  are  both  upon  eftablifhment  to  be  payd 
out  of  His  Maties  revenue  there.  And  the  Confederates  at 
Bofton  poffeffed  themfelves  of  all  His  Maties  ftores,  armes 
ammunicon  and  other  implements  of  warr,  and  difabled  His 
Maties  man  of  war  the  Rofe  frigatt  by  fecureing  the  Comandr 
and  bringing  her  fayles  on  fhoare;  and  at  the  fame  time 
haveing  imprifoned  the  fecretary  and  fome  other  officers, 
they  broke  open  the  Secrys  Office  and  feized  and  conveyed 
away  all  records  papers  and  wrightings. 

Thofe  Members  of  His  Maties  Councill  that  were  in  con- 
federacy with  the  before  menconed  popular  Majeftrates  and 
other  cheife  actors  in  this  revolucon,  tooke  upon  them  the 
goverment,  by  the  name  of  a  Councill,  who  not  content 
with  the  inconveniency  they  had  brought  on  themfelves  in 
the  Maffachufetts  Colony,  but  to  the  ruine  of  the  poore 
neighbours,  on  the  twentieth  of  Aprill  gave  orders  for  the 
drawing  off  the  forces  from  Pemyquid  and  other  garrifons 
and  places  in  the  Eafterne  parts,  far  without  the  lymitts  of 
their  Collony  and  where  the  feate  of  warr  with  the  Indians 
was,  and  to  feize  feverall  of  the  officers,  and  for  calling  home 
the  veffells  appoynted  to  gard  the  fea  coaft  and  fifhery ;  wch 
was  done  accordingly,  and  the  forces  difbanded  when  moft 
of  the  fouldiers  belonging  to  the  ftanding  Companys  there, 
were  difperfed  ;  of  which,  and  their  actings  at  Bofton,  the 
Indians  haveing  notice,  (and  being  fupplyed  with  Amunicon 
and  provifion  out  of  a  veffell  fent  from  Bofton  by  fome  of 
the  cheife  confpirators  before  the  infurreclion  to  trade  with 

them) 
(24) 


[7] 

them)  they  were  encouraged  and  enabled  to  renew  and  pur- 
fue  the  warr ;  and  by  the  affiftance  of  fome  French  who  have 
been  feen  amongft  them  and  engageing  of  feverall  other 
Indians  before  unconcerned,  increafed  their  numbers,  that  in 
a  very  fhort  tyme  feverall  hundreds  of  Their  Maties  fubjecls 
were  killed  and  carryed  away  captive ;  The  Fort  at  Pemy- 
quid  taken ;  the  whole  Cuntry  of  Cornwall,  the  greateft  part 
of  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  part  of  the  Province  of  New 
Hampfhire  deftroyed  and  deferted  ;  and  the  principall  trade 
of  that  countrey,  wch  confifted  in  a  considerable  fifhery,  the 
getting  of  marts,  yards  &c  for  the  fupply  of  His  Matyes  navy 
Royall,  and  boards  and  other  lumber  for  the  fupply  of  the 
other  Weft  India  plantacons,  is  almoft  wholly  ruined. 

By  the  encouragem'  and  prfwafion  of  thofe  of  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  the  severall  other  provinces  and  collonys  in  New 
England  as  far  as  New  Yorke  have  difunited  themfelves, 
and  fet  up  their  former  feparate  Charter,  or  popular  gover- 
ments  without  Charter,  and  by  that  meanes  the  whole  reve- 
nue of  the  Crowne  continued  and  fetled  in  the  feverall  parts 
for  the  fupport  of  the  Goverment  is  loft  and  deffcroyed. 

The  ufuall  time  for  election  of  new  Majeftrates  at  Bofton 
comeing  on  in  the  begining  of  May  1689.  great  controverfie 
arofe  about  the  fetling  of  Civill  Goverment;  fome  being 
for  a  new  election,  and  others  that  the  Majeftrates  chofen 
and  fworne  in  1 686  before  the  alteracon  mould  reaffume ; 
the  latter  of  wch  was  concluded  on  by  them  and  the  prtended 
reprfentatives  of  the  feverall  townes  of  the  Maffachufetts,  and 
affumed  by  the  fd  Majeftrates  accordingly,  and  thereupon  the 
old  Charter  Goverment,  tho'  vacated  in  Weftminfter  Hall, 
was  reaffumed  without  any  regard  to  the  Crowne  of  England, 
and  they  revived  and  confirmed  their  former  laws  contrary 
and  repugnant  to  the  laws  and  ftatutes  of  England,  fetled 
their  Courts  of  Judicature,  and  appoynted  new  officers,  and 
have  prfumed  to  try  and  judge  all  cafes  civill  and  criminall, 

and 

D  (25) 


[8] 

and  to  pafs  fentence  of  death  on  feverall  of  Their  Maties  fub- 
jects,  fome  of  whom  they  have  caufed  to  be  executed. 

Alltho  in  the  revenue  continued  on  the  Crowne  for  fup- 
port  of  the  goverment  dureing  his  time,  the  country  pay'd 
but  the  old  eftablifht  rate  of  a  penny  in  the  pound  pr  Annm 
as  given  and  praclifed  for  about  fifty  yeares  paft ;  the  prefent 
Adminiftrators  have  of  their  own  authority,  for  not  above  fix 
months,  rayfed  and  exacted  from  the  people  of  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  Collony  feven  rates  and  a  half. 

Since  this  infurrection  and  alteracon  in  New  England 
they  doe  tollerate  an  unlimited  irregular  trade,  contrary  to 
the  feverall  acts  of  Plantations,  Trade  and  Navigacon,  now  as 
little  regarded  as  in  the  time  of  their  former  Charter  Gover- 
ment ;  they  efteeming  noe  laws  to  be  binding  on  them  but 
what  are  made  by  themfelves,  nor  admitt  Englifh  laws  to  be 
pleaded  there,  or  appeales  to  His  Matie.  And  many  fhipps 
and  veffells  have  fince  arrived  from  Scotland  Holland,  New- 
foundland, and  other  places  prohibitted,  they  haveing  imprif- 
oned  His  Maties  Collector,  Surveyorand  fearcher,  and  difplaced 
other  Cuftomhouse  officers. 

That  they  fent  to  Albany  to  treat  with  the  Indians  in  thofe 
parts  prticularly  with  the  Five  Nations  Maquaes  &c  and 
invited  them  to  Bofton ;  which  is  of  ill  and  dangeroufe  con- 
fequence,  by  makeing  the  fayd  Indians  prticularly  acquainted 
with  the  difunion  and  feparate  goverments,  and  mewing  them 
the  countrey  and  diforders  therof,  as  far  as  Bofton,  giveing 
thereby  the  greateft  advantage  to  the  French  of  gaining  or 
fubdueing  the  fayd  Indians  and  attempting  Fort  Albany  (the 
moft  advanced  frontier  into  the  country  and  great  mart  of 
the  beaver  and  peltry  trade)  and  of  infefting  other  parts. 

The  forces  rayfed  and  fent  out  by  them  the  lafl  fummer 
notwithftanding  the  great  encouragem1  they  prom  if  ed  of  eight 
pounds  pr  head  for  every  Indian  fhould  be  killed,  befides  their 
pay,  proved  neither  eff ecluall  to  fuppreffe  the  enemy  or  fecure 

the 
(26) 


[9] 

the  country  from  further  damage  and  murthers ;  and  upon 
the  winters  approaching  the  forces  were  recalled  and  the 
country  left  expofed  to  the  enemy,  who  have  already  over 
runn  and  deftroyed  foe  great  a  part  therof.  And  now  by 
the  affiftance  of  the  French  of  Canada  may  probably  pro- 
ceed further  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  being  foe  devided 
and  out  of  ordr  unlefs  it  mall  pleafe  His  Matie  by  his  owne 
authority  to  redrefs  the  fame,  and  put  a  flop  to  the  French 
and  Indians,  and  thereby  prevent  the  ruine  or  lofs  of  that 
whole  dominion  of  New  England  &  confequently  of  Their 
Majties  other  American  Plantacons ;  endangered  not  only  by 
the  want  of  provifions,  but  by  the  many  fhips  veffells,  feamen 
and  other  neceffarys  in  New  England,  capable  to  fupply  and 
tranfport  any  force,  may  annoy  or  attempt  thofe  plantacons ; 
but  may  be  by  His  Maties  authority  and  comands  effectually 
fetled  and  prferved,  and  of  fervice  againft  the  French  or  any 
other  Their  Maties  enemys  in  thofe  parts,  with  no  greater  land 
force  then  is  neceffary  to  be  continued  there,  and  a  fufficient 
revenue  rayfed  to  defray  the  charge  thereof,  by  dutyes  and 
rates  as  heretofore  hath  been  praclifed  amongfl  them  and  is 
ufuall  in  other  Their  Maties  plantacons.  Humbly  fubmitted 

by 

E.  ANDROS. 
(Endorsed) 

"  Sr  Edmond  Andres's  Acco1 
"  of  the  State  of  New  England 
"  under  his  goverment. 

Recd  27  May.  1690." 


(27) 


[ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS, 

Chiefly  from  the  Maffachufetts  Archives.] 


(29) 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


15  TT  7E  give  in  the  firft  place  a  copy  of  Andros's  charges  againft  the  Maffa- 
'  *  chufetts  Government  in  regard  to  its  management  of  military  matters, 
from  a  copy  printed  in  the  "Hutchinfon  Papers,"  in  the  Collections  of  the 
Maflachufetts  Hiftorical  Society,  3d  feries,  vol.  i.  pp.  85-87.  Next  follows  the 
Reply  made  by  the  Agents  of  the  Colony.  Third,  papers  in  reference  to  Lieut. 
James  Weems,  whofe  cafe  was  brought  before  the  Royal  Council.  Fourth,  we 
give  the  report  of  the  impotent  conclufion  of  the  accufations  againft  Andros 
before  the  fame  Council.  Fifth,  we  prefent  copies  of  various  Addrefles  fent  by 
the  Colonial  Government  to  King  William,  as  being  public  documents  of  much 
intereft  and  importance,  together  with  the  Inftrudlions  given  to  the  Agents  of 
the  Colony. 


(30) 


I. 


Andres's  Charges  againft  the  Government. 

[Reprinted  from  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  3d  Ser.  vol.  i.  pp.  85-87.] 

An  Account  of  the  Forces  raifed  in  New  England  for 
Defence  of  the  Country  againft  the  Indians,  &c.  in  the 

year  1 688 difpofed  into  ten   Companies  of  Jixty   Men 

each the  feveral  Forts  built,  and  how  the  faid  Forces 

were  pofted  at  the  Time  of  their  Mats  Officers  and  fub- 
verjion  of  the  Government  there  in  April,  1689. 


Men. 


156 


Pemyquid. 

SETTLED  garrifon  commanded  by  Capt. 
Antho.  Brockholes  and  Lieut.  James 
Weems  of  the  ftanding  forces,  .  .  36 
A  new  company  commanded  by 

Capt.  Ting, 60 

Another  by  Capt.  George  Minot, 60 

Upon  the  infurredlion,  the  forces  being  withdrawn,  and  only 
1 8  of  the  ftanding  companies  left  in  garrifon,  the  fort  is  fince 
taken  by  the  Indians  and  French,  and  the  country  deftroyed. 

New  Dartmouth,  i.  e.  New  Castle,  &*c. 

A  fort  commanded  by  Lieut.  John  Jordane  of  the^j 

ftanding  forces, 24  V    84 

A  company  of  Capt.  Withington's,     ....     60  J 

Moft  of  the  men  drawn  off,  and  others  debauched,  they  feized 
their  officer  and  carried  him  prifoner  to  Bofton,  and  thereupon 
the  fort  was  deferted. 


(30 


[4] 


A  Redoubt  on  Damorafcotty  River. 
Relieved  every  week  from  New  Dartmouth. 
The  men  drawn  off  and  place  deferted. 

Sacodehock,  Newtown,  Fort  Anne,  Pejepfcot.  Men. 

Thefe  feveral  forts  in  Kennebeck  River  were 


1 80 


commanded  by  Lieut-Col.  Macgregory  and  Major 
Thomas  Savage,  for  which  they  had  their  own  and 
Capt.  Manning's  company, 

The  major  and  moft  of  the  officers  of  the  new  forces  revolted, 
feized  their  lieutenant-colonel,  drew  off  the  forces,  and  thereby 
deferted  the  feveral  forts  and  river. 

Falmouth. 
A  fort  in  Cafco  Bay,  commanded  by  Capt  George )     fi 

Lockhart  with  his  company, j 

The  commander  feized  and  forces  withdrawn. 

Saco  River. 

A  fort  commanded  by  Capt  John  Lloyd  with  his^j 
company,  and  a  detachment  of    28  men  from  Major  >    88 
Henchman  and  Capt  Bull, J 

Kennebunke. 

A  fort  commanded  by  Lieut  Puddington,  but  to  be 
relieved  from  Saco. 

Wells. 

A  fort  relieved  likewife  from  Saco. 

The  officers  and  foldiers  at  Saco  all  deferted,  as  did  others 
afterwards. 

Merrymake  River. 

A  company  at  the  Upper  Plantations,  commanded ) 

by  Major  John  Henchman,      . j     5° 

As  alfo  all  the  militia  of  that  river. 

The  officers  and  foldiers  debauched  and  quitted  their  ftations. 

Conneflicatt 
(32) 


[5] 


Conneflicatt  River.  Men. 

A  company  commanded  by  Capt.  Jonathan   Bull 
at  the   Upper  Settlement  thereof,  which,  and  all  the       51 
militia,  was  under  the  command  of  Col.  Robert  Treate, 
The  officers  and  foldiers  deferted  their  pofts. 

Befides  40  men  more  of   the  {landing  companies,^ 
detached  at  firft  and  conflantly  employed  in  that  fer-  >   40 
vice  in  feveral  parts, J 

709 

The  feveral  veffels  employed  for  the  fecurity  of  the  coaft 
and  fifhery  at  that  time  were, 

His  majefly's  floop  Mary,  John  Alden  commander; 

The  brigantine  Samuel,  John  Wife  well  mafler ; 

His  majefly's  new  lloop  Speedwell,  John  Cooke  com- 
mander, finifhed  and  ready  to  take  in  flores  and  provifions 
for  the  eafhvard. 

There  were  four  flanding  companies  in  New  England  — 
two  at  Boflon  and  eaflern  parts  upon  eflablimment  in  Eng- 
land—  two  at  New  York  and  Albany  upon  eflablimment 
there  —  all  difperfed  except  that  at  Albany. 

There  was  alfo,  at  the  time  of  the  fubverfion  of  the 
government,  provifions  in  the  refpective  places  or  principal 
garrifons  fufficed  to  fupply  the  forces  for  above  three  months, 
and  all  flores  and  implements  of  war  neceffary  for  that  fer- 
vice. 

Befides,  at  the  flores  in  Boflon  and  in  the  caflle  was  fifty- 
four  barrels  of  powder,  and  about  two  hundred  fpare  fuzees 
and  fnap  h.  mufkets,  byonets,  and  great  and  fmall  mot, 
hand-granadoes  and  all  other  utenfils  of  war. 

E.  ANDROS. 


(33) 


[6] 


II. 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  96.] 

An  Anfwer  to  Sr  Edmund  Androfs's  Account 
of  the  Forces  raifed  in  New  England  for  Defence  of  the 
Countrey  againfl  the  Indians  &c.  in  the  Yeare  1688. 

Humbly  offered  by  the  Agents  of  the  Maffachufetts  Colony 
to  the  Right  Honble  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  the 
Plantations. 

|  EGGING  your  Lordfhipps  leave  to  Obferve  in  the 
preamble  of  Sir  Edmund  Androfs's  Account  the 
words  (fubvertion  of  the  Government)  and  after- 
wards (Infurrection)  which  with  fubmiffion  Wee 
take  to  be  Expreffions  of  Difaffeclion  to  the  prefent  and  a 
vindication  of  the  late  foe  Illegal  and  Arbitrary  Govern- 
ment, and  doe  moft  humbly  befeech  your  Lordfhipps  that 
what  was  done  by  the  people  of  New  England,  with  fo  much 
zeale  and  good  affection,  to  fecure  the  Government  there 
to  their  prefent  Majefties,  may  be  favourably  accepted  and 
vindicated  from  fuch  unworthy  and  unjuft  Reflections. 

Upon  the  whole  wee  humbly  reprefent  to  your  Lordfhipps 
that  the  new  forts  built  by  Sir  Edmund  Androfs  were  mere 
fancies  of  his  owne,  ufelefs,  (and  foe  efteemed  by  the  experi- 
enced Officers  of  the  Army  and  others  well  acquainted  with 
the  Countrey)  to  any  purpofe  of  Defence  as  was  pretended, 
and  may  be  eafily  made  [to]  appeare  unto  your  Lordfhipps 
by  the  Mapp  of  that  Countrey :  and  confequently  the  draw- 
ing the  fouldiers  from  thence  hath  been  no  prejudice  to  the 
Countrey,  nor  hath  any  lofs  or  damage  happened  thereby, 
but  our  frontier  towns  ftrengthened  which  in  Sir  Edmund's 

time 

(34) 


[7] 


time  were   not  onely  left  naked  but  alfo  feverall  perfons 
threatned  for  fortifyeing  their  houfes. 

As  to  the  particulars  in  the  Account  we  declare  as  fol- 
loweth. 

Was  a  Garrifon  fetled  by  Sir  Edmund  Andros  whilfl  pemaquid 
Governor  of  New  Yorke,  and  in  the  Beginning  of  the  pref- 
ent  Warr  put  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Brockholes,  a 
Papift,  and  for  that  reafon  was  ordered  home  upon  the  happy 
Revolution ;  which  order  he  never  obferved,  but  afterwards 
being  fufpected  to  be  in  a  plott  for  deferting  and  running 
over  with  the  floope  Mary  to  the  French,  was  feized  by  the 
Inhabitants  of  Dartmouth  and  brought  to  Bofton :  And  his 
Leiftenant  Weems  att  the  requeft  of  the  Inhabitants  left  in 
his  roome  with  all  the  ftanding  Garrifon,  not  a  man  drawn 
off.  The  other  fouldiers  were  defperfed  by  Coll.  Tyng  and 
the  reft  of  the  cheife  officers,  thofe  that  were  fick  to  their 
owne  homes,  thofe  that  were  fitt  for  fervice  to  pofts  that 
required  their  Affiftance ;  there  being  force  fufficient  left  as 
they  judged  to  defend  the  fort.  True  it  is  that  afterwards 
that  fort  and  about  twenty  houfes  were  taken  and  deftroyed 
by  the  Indians,  but  it  was  imputed  to  the  carelefs  fecurity 
of  the  Garrifon,  and  not  want  of  men,  the  Towne  being 
furprized  att  noonday  and  noe  fcout  abroad. 

Was  deftroyed  all  but  four  or  five  houfes  and  New  Towne  New  Dartmouth 
all  but  one  by  the  Indians  in  the  time  of  Sir  Edmund 
Androfs's  Government,  done  as  was  fuppofed  in  revenge  of 
Sir  Edmund's  feizing  Monfier  Cafteen's  houfe  and  taking 
thence  all  his  arms  and  merchandize  and  houfehold  goods 
in  time  of  profound  peace :  the  faid  Cafteen  having  married 
an  Indian  Sachim's  daughter,  and  fo  the  Indians  were 
allyed  to  his  Interefts.  The  Town  being  deftroyed  and 
the  Inhabitants  fent  to  Bofton,  Sir  Edmond  A.'s  fort  was 
needlefs,  there  being  nothing  to  preferve. 

There  being  no  Inhabitants  there  after  that  Dartmouth    Redoupton 

was 
(35) 


[8] 


was  deftroyed  and  deferted,  Coll.  Tyng  and  Major  Thomas 
Savage,  officers  in  Sir  Edmond's  army  and  one  of  them  of 
his   Counfell,  advifed  the  deferting  that  place.     And  the 
Fort  Ann       infiffnificant  fort  of   Fort  Ann,   Peafipfcott,  &c.,  as  ufelefs, 

Pegiplcott  O  .  .  .  M  *      i  /~.    11 

there  being  no  plantation  in  many  miles  of  them.  Coll. 
Mack  Gregory  was  feized  by  his  owne  fouldiers  in  regard 
of  his  cruelty  and  feverity  towards  them,  feverall  for  that 
reafon  having  deferted  him  before  the  Revolution. 

Being  a  fort  erected  at  the  charge  of  the  fifhermen  they 
withdrawing  their  fifhery  in-  the  fall  of  the  yeare,  the  Gar- 
rifon  was  withdrawne  at  their  owne  Inftance. 

A  fort  built  formerly  by  the  Maffachufetts  Colonye  is 
Bay  ftill  continued  and  better  furnifhed  and  provided  then  in  Sir 
Edmond's  time.  Capt.  Lockhart,  a  reputed  Papift  was  by 
order  of  Counfell  for  that  reafon  difmift,  and  Silvanus  Davis, 
an  Inhabitant  of  that  place  and  formerly  Commander  of 
that  fort,  put  in  his  roome.  Here  it  was  the  Indians  career 
was  ftopt  and  they  defeated  by  the  forces  raifed  fince  the 
Revolution  by  the  United  Colonyes. 

Sao*  River  fort  was  deferted  in  Sir  Edmond's  time  for  want  of  necef- 
faryes  and  provifions  for  the  fouldiers,  and  Capt.  Floyd  him- 
felfe  made  a  prifoner  by  Sir  Edmond  upon  his  comeing  to 
afke  provifion  for  the  neceffarye  fubfiftance  of  that  Garrifon. 

We  know  of  no  fort  there. 

is  ftill  well  Inhabited  and  many  houfes  there  fortifyed  and 
Capt.  Willard  with  his  Company  pofted  there  by  order  of 
Counfell  for  their  fecuritye. 

and  many  other  places  upon  the  Revolution  changed  the 
Officers  they  could  not  truft,  but  Major  Henchman  keeps 
both  his  ftation  and  command  there.  All  our  frontier 
Townes  have  had  recruits  fent  them  by  order  of  Counfell 
for  the  fecurity  of  the  Country,  which  was  much  neglected 
and  weakned  in  Sir  Edmond's  time  by  drawing  fouldiers 
thence  to  build  and  fupply  the  trifling  forts  before  men- 

tioned  Continues 

(30) 


[9] 


Continues  as  it  was,  only  Coll.  Treate  finding  no  occafion    c 
for  fo  great  force  as  was  fent  thither  by  Sir  Edmond,  drew    Rwer 
them  off  before  the  Revolution :  After  which  that  Colony 
reaffumed  their  ancient  Goverment,  chofe   the  faid   Coll. 
Treate,   Governor,  and   hath   fuffered    no  damage  by  the 
Indians. 

The  Sloope  and  Brigantine  with  other  veffells  pretended 
to  be  preft  for  his  Maties  ufe  in  the  fervice  of  the  Country 
were  cheifly  imployed  to  carry  fouldiers  to  and  fro  att  Sir 
Edmond's  pleafure.  We  know  not  that  they  were  at  all 
made  ufe  of  for  the  fecurity  of  the  coafl  or  fimery,  or  that 
they  were  fitt  for  that  purpofe  or  need  be  fo  imployed  att 
that  feafon  of  the  yeare.  True  it  is  there  was  great  com- 
plaint that  thofe  who  ferved  with  them  were  never  payed, 
which  made  Sir  Edmond's  Government  more  uneafy. 

The  Handing  forces  Sir  Edmond  was  reputed  to  have 
brought  with  him  to  New  England  were  about  120  men, 
which  he  ported  att  Pemaquid,  Bofton  and  the  Caftle,  fome 
of  which  dyed,  fome  deferted  in  Sir  Edmond's  time :  And 
when  the  warr  with  the  Indians  brake  out,  he  took  part  of 
them  att  Bofton  and  att  the  Caftle  with  him  for  that  fervice. 
What  became  of  them  Sir  Edmond  can  beft  tell ;  we  are 
well  affured  that  not  a  man  perimed  by  the  hands  of  the 
Indians,  nor  any  Indian  was  hurt  by  them  or  any  of  his 
forces. 

We  have  not  an  exact  Inventory  of  the  provifions  and 
ftores  found  in  the  Garrifons  att  the  time  of  the  happy 
Revolution,  but  can  averr  that  the  principall  Garrifons  were 
fupplyed  from  Bofton :  and  the  Men  that  were  fent  out  for 
the  Reinforcement  of  the  Army  were  furnifhed  with  neceffa- 
ryes  for  warr  att  the  charge  of  particular  perfons,  and  not 
one  penny  from  the  Treafury. 

All  which  account  aforefaid  we  have  either  by  our  owne 
Knowledge  or  the  beft  Informations  which  were  from  time 

to 

(37) 


[10] 

to  time  tranfmitted  to  the  Government  during  our  aboade 
in  New  England. 

The  Occafion  of  our  prefent  Diftrefs  is  the  warr  between 
the  two  Crownes  of  England  and  France  which  prevents  all 
fupplyes  from  England,  and  by  the  A61  of  Navigation  we 
cannot  have  them  elfewhere.  That  as  our  ftores  are  leffened 
fo  our  neceflityes  are  increafed,  the  French  being  a  potent 
Enemy  and  a  near  Neighbour,  we  need  not  labour  under 
greater  Inconveniences :  and  the  mifcheifes  of  the  inter- 
ruption of  our  antient  Government  not  yett  recovered. 
Wee  therefore  humbly  propofe  that  for  a  prefent  Releife  the 
veffell  may  be  difpatched  with  Convoy  and  leave  given  to 
merchants  to  fliipp  armes  and  ammunition  as  followeth,  viz1 
1000  fuzies,  200  barrells  piftoll  powder,  50  barrells  cannon 
powder,  20  tunn  Lead. 

Whereby  we  mall  be  able  (God  bleffmg  Endeavors)  to 
Defend  our  felves.  And  if  his  Maty  mall  think  fitt  to  attempt 
the  Reduction  of  Canada  (now  fo  prejudiciall  to  their  Maties 
Colonyes  in  America)  we  mail  with  all  chearfullnefs  and 
refolution  give  our  utmoft  affiftance  thereto,  not  doubting 
by  his  Maty  will  of  his  inviolable  Juftice  and  Royall  Bounty 
continue  and  eftablilh  to  us  our  ancient  Rights  and  privi- 
lidges. 

MAY  3oth,  1690. 


(38) 


III. 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  436.] 

To  the  right  honorable  the  Lords  of  their 

Maje/lies  Mojl  honorable  Privy  Council. 

16  The  Anfwer  of  the  Agents  of  the  Governour,  Council  and  Reprefenta- 
tives  of  the  Colony  of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay  in  New  England  (as  far 
forth  as  they  are  any  waies  concerned)  to  the  petition  of  Lieut  James 
Weems. 

HESE  Refpondents  with  all  humility  doe  lay 
before  your  Lordfhips,  that  they  are  only  im- 
ployed  and  entrufted  by  and  on  the  behalfe  of 
the  fd  governour,  Councill  and  Reprefentatives, 

and 

to  Difplace  the  Governor  and  all  the 
Gentlemen  under  his  command,  I  am 
refolved  to  take  my  fortune  with  them. 
Therefor  I  advife  you  to  haften  and 
fend  your  forces  and  take  pofleffion  of 
Lieut.  Weems,  but  the  matter  was  of  this  place,  for  I  cannot  promis  to  fecure 


18  The  following  is  the  corrected 
draft  as  prefented  to  the  Council ;  a 
rough  draft  is  alfo  in  Mafs.  Archives, 
vol.  xxxv.  p.  384.  There  are  many 
documents  in  the  feries  relating  to 


too  little  importance  to  be  worth  any 
long  account  of  it.  The  Anfwer  is 
here  given  fimply  becaufe  it  was  made 
to  fo  high  a  tribunal  as  His  Majefty's 
Council.  The  following  letter  will  be 
fufficient  to  mow  the  pofition  Weems 
occupied ;  it  is  copied  from  Mafs. 
Archives  Revolution,  vol.  cvii.  p.  139. 

PEMAQD  June  23<i.'89. 
Gen* 

Yours  I  have  reed  wherein  you  pro- 
pofe  very  fair  in  the  refpecls  of  ye  time 
to  come  and  till  further  orders,  provid- 
ing it  might  ftand  with  my  Advantage 
and  Honor,  I  would  imbrace :  but  I 
muft  tell  you,  y*  my  Dependance  is 
elfwhere  where  I  hope  to  be  more 
fervifable  to  my  King  and  Countrey 
yn  here,  for  fmce  you  have  feen  caufe 


(39) 


it,  my  men  being  all  refolved  to  leave 
me,  as  fome  have  dune  already ;  but 
have  prevailed  with  them  for  a  fhort 
time  waiting  your  fpeedy  releaf,  and 
fatisfaction  for  their  time.  The  2oth  of 
this  inftant  arived  two  Captives  which 
I  thought  convenient  to  haften  to  you, 
being  defirous  to  know  the  ftate  of  the 
Country  and  Indians,  which  they  can 
beft  relate.  Having  no  more  to  add 
only  my  Humble  fervis  and  remaine 
Sr  Yours  JAMES  WEEMS. 

I  have  ingaged  you  will  fatisfey  thefe 
men  for  their  Boate  and  time,  itt  pre- 
fenting  for  the  King's  fervis ;  agreed 
for  3'i  money 

Superfcribed 

To  Mr.  Simon  Bradftreet,  Efqr., 
Governor  of  Bofton. 


[12] 

and  for  no  other  part  of  New  England,  and  that  the  Au- 
thority and  Truft  that  they  have  received  is  only  to  be  hum- 
ble fuitors  to  their  Majefties  for  the  obtayning  a  Grant  and 
Restitution  of  their  former  franchifes  and  priviledges,  and  to 
ufe  their  lawful  endeavours  to  juftify  the  proceedings  of  the 
faid  colony  in  relation  to  the  late  Revolution  there. 

And  thefe  refpondents,  Sir  Henry  Afhurft,  and  Increafe 
Mather  doe  fay  that  neither  of  them  was  in  New  England 
during  the  tranfaclions  in  the  petition  mentioned  and  know 
nothing  thereof.  And  the  other  refpondents  Elifha  Cooke 
and  Tho.  Okes  doe  not  know  that  the  fort  of  Pemmaquid 
was  fo  diftreffed  or  taken  by  reafon  of  fuch  defect  or  in 
fuch  manner  as  the  petition  fets  forth  ;  and  doe  apprehend, 
that  the  Government  of  that  Colony  can  make  it  appear 
that  the  petitioner  hath  not  truly  reprefented  matters  in  his 
petition.  And  none  of  thefe  refpondents  know  that  the 
^172.  6.  10  in  the  petition  mentioned  or  any  part  thereof  is 
due  to  the  petitioner ;  And  if  any  thing  be  due  and  unpaid 
to  him  they  humbly  conceive  that  had  he  ftayed  upon  the 
place  or  mail  make  application  to  that  Government  that  he 
might  or  will  receive  his  due.  However  thefe  Refpondents 
denye  that  they  were  or  are  anywies  entrufted  or  had  or 
have  any  Authority  from  or  effects  of  the  faid  Government 
in  their  hands,  or  power  to  pay  the  petitioner  his  demands 
or  any  part  thereof.  And  humbly  hope  they  cannot  be 
thought  lyable  or  mail  be  any  waies  compelled  to  pay  the 
fame. 


MARCH  i8th,  1690. 


Signatures  torn  off. 


(40) 


HEN  ASH[URST.] 
INC[REASE  MATHER.] 


[13] 


IV. 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  n.] 

Report  of  the  Council  advijing  Andros  s  AcquitaL 

Ax  THE  COURT  AT  WHITEHALL 
THE  24  OF  APRILL  1690 

PRESENT 

The  King's  Moft  excellent  Majefty 

His  Royall  Highnefs  P.  George  of  Denmark.      Earle  of  Torrington 

Ld  Prefident  Earle  of  Scarbor0 

Duke  of  Norfolke  Earle  of  Warrington 

Duke  of  Boulton  Earle  of  Montague 

Ld  Steward  Vifcount  Newport 

Earle  of  Oxford  Vifcount  Sydney 

Earle  of  Shrewfbury  Ld  Bifhop  of  London 

Earle  of  Pembrooke  Sir  Robert  Howard 

Earle  of  Bath  Sir  Henry  Capell 

Earle  of  Macklesfield  Mr  Comptroller 

Earle  of  Nottingham  Mr  Vice  Chamberlaine 

Earle  of  Portland  Mr  Chancellor  of  the  Excheq* 

Earle  of  Faulconbridge  Ld  Cheife  Juftice  Holt 

Earle  of  Marlborough  Mr  Bofcawen 

Mr  Powle 

The  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and 
Plantations  having  this  day  prefented  a  Report  to  his  Majefty  in 
Councill  in  the  words  following,  viz  : 

May  it  p leaf e  your  Majefty. 


[OUR  Majefty  having  by  your  Letters  dated  the 
3oth  day  of  July  laft,  to  the  prefent  Government 
of  the  Maffachufetts  Baye  in  New  England, 
Signified  your  pleafure  that  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
late  Governour  of  that  Territory  and  others  that  had  been 
feized  by  the  people  of  Bofton  upon  the  late  Revolution  and 
deteined  there  under  confinement,  for  the  fpace  of  ten 
months,  mould  according  to  their  humble  requeft  made  to 
your  Majefty  in  Councill,  be  fent  into  England  by  the  firft 
Opportunity  to  anfwer  before  your  Majefty  what  might 

be 
F  (40 


be  objected  againft  them.  We  have  accordingly  on  the 
loth  inftant,  been  attended  by  Sir  Edmund  Andros  and 
others  lately  imprifoned  in  New  England,  As  alfo  by  Sir 
Henry  Afhurft,  Mr.  Elifha  Cooke,  Mr.  Increafe  Mather, 
Mr.  Thomas  Oakes,  who  then  declared  themfelves  unto  us 
to  be  Agents  for  the  faid  Government  of  the  Maffachufetts 
Bay. 

But  by  reafon  of  the  late  arrivall  of  fome  of  them  into 
England,  defired  they  might  be  allowed  further  time  to  pro- 
duce their  Credentialls  and  Charges  againft  the  faid  Sir 
Edmund  Andros  and  others  forefaid :  which  Charge  having 
been  brought  in  on  the  Monday  following,  We  were,  ac- 
cording to  our  directions  attended  on  Thurfday  laft  by  Sir 
Edmund  Andros  and  fuch  as  were  lately  Imprifoned  in 
New  England,  and  by  Counfel  learned  on  both  fides. 

At  which  time  the  Counfel  learned  for  the  people  of  the 
Maffachufets  Bay,  as  they  termed  themfelves,  having  been 
afked  by  us  whether  any  perfon  were  ready  to  figne  or  owne 
the  faid  charge,  no  perfon  could  then  be  found  or  named 
unto  us,  upon  our  Inquiry  to  figne  or  owne  the  fame. 

So  that  as  we  fee  no  matter  of  complaint  or  charge 
againft  Sir  Edmund  Andros  and  others  aforefaid,  to  proceed 
upon,  we  do  therefore  most  humbly  offer  our  Opinion  to 
your  Majefty  that  the  faid  Sir  Edmund  Andros  and  other 
Perfons  lately  Imprifoned  in  New  England  and  now  attend- 
ing your  Majefty,  be  forthwith  difcharged  and  fet  at  liberty, 
and  that  the  faid  Paper  or  Charge,  which  has  not  been 
figned  or  owned,  may  be  difmiffed  ;  inafmuch  as  nothing  has 
been  objected  againft  the  faid  Sir  Edmund  Andros  and 
others,  by  the  prefent  Government  of  the  Maffachufets  Bay 
or  their  Agents,  at  the  times  appointed  by  us,  in  purfuance 
of  your  Majefty 's  pleafure  fignified  to  them  in  that  behalf. 

Which  is  neverthelefs  mofl  humbly  fubmitted. 
COUNCILL  CHAMBER,  i;th  of  Aprijl,  1690. 

His 
(42) 


His  Majefty  in  Councill  is  pleafed  to  approve  of  the  faid 
Report  and  to  order  that  the  paper  or  charge  therein  men- 
tioned as  not  being  figned  or  owned  by  any  perfon,  be  dif- 
miffed  this  board:  And  that  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  late 
Governor  of  New  England  and  others  that  have  been  feized 
by  the  people  of  Bofton  upon  the  late  Revolution  and  now 
attending  his  Majefty,  be  forthwith  difcharged.  As  they  are 
hereby  difcharged  and  fett  at  Liberty  according  to  the  faid 
Report. 

Ex. 

CHA.  MONTAGUE. 

Coppy. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  125.] 

To  the  Kings  mojl  Excellent  Majefty. 

17  The  humble  Addrefs  and  Petition  of  the  Governor  and 
Councille  and  the  Reprefentatives  of  the  Colony  of  the 
Maffachufetts  Bay;  convened  in  Generall  Court  at 
Bofton. 

May  it  p leaf e  your  Majejly. 

JE  have  been  honoured  with  the  Receipt  of  your 
Majefty's  feverall  gracious   Letters  of   the  3Oth 
July,  the   1 2th  &  i5th  of  Auguft  laft  paft,  and 
do   with  all   humble   and   hearty   thankfullneffe 
acknowledge  the  Goodneffe  of  God  in  the  Favour  we  have 

.  found 

17  Although  this  Addrefs  is  not  dated,  It  will  be  noticed  that  it  fays  that  the 

we  prefume  that  it  was  prepared  early  King's  orders  about  Andros  "are  now 

in  February,  1690,  and  was  fent  in  the  attended  [to]  by  this  firft  opportunity 

veffel  that  carried  Andros  to  England,  of  fhipping."     So  alfo  in  the  nextdocu- 

(43)  ment> 


found  in  your  Majefty's  gracious  Acceptance  and  Anfwer 
of  our  former  Addreffes ;  and  that  your  Majefty  hath  been 
gracioufly  pleafed  to  Authorize  and  impower  us  to  continue 
the  Adminiftration  of  the  Government  over  this  your 
Colony ;  which  we  humbly  informed  your  Majefty  we  were 
in  the  Exercife  of  according  to  Charter  Rules.  Your 
Majefty's  commands  relating  to  the  Rofe  frigatt  \vere  forth- 
with Obferved.  And  your  other  Commands  for  the  fend- 
ing home  Sir  Edmund  Androfs  and  others  alike  feized  and 
under  confinement,  are  now  attended  by  this  firft  oppor- 
tunity of  Shipping.  We  have  alfo  difpatched  fome  Gentle- 
men from  hence  to  wait  upon  your  Majefty  with  this  our 
Addrefs,  having  impowered  them  together  with  fome  others 
already  concerned  for  us  upon  the  place  to  manage  our 
Affaires;  on  whofe  behalfe  we  humbly  fupplicate  your 
Majefty's  favour.  We  are  fenfible  that  there  are  thofe  who 
have  been  induftrious  to  inkindle  and  foment  difturbances 
among  us,  that  they  might  have  plaufible  pretences  to  mif- 
reprefent  us ;  which  carriage  of  theirs  is  the  leffe  furprizing 
to  us,  when  we  reflect  upon  many  of  their  words  and 
Actions  manifefting  their  difaffeclion  to  the  Alteration  of 
the  Government  in  England.  We  alfo  crave  leave  humbly 
to  acquaint  your  Majefty  that  feverall  ill  men  combining 
together  have  committed  divers  felonys  and  Pyracys  and 
that  we  might  put  fome  ftop  to  their  progrefs  in  fo  foul  a 
defigne,  we  were  neceffitated  to  grant  CommiiTions  to  fup- 
prefs,  bring  in  and  fecure  them ;  in  wrhich  Enterprife  the 
Captaine  commiffioned  for  that  fervice  was  flain  and  four  of 
the  Pirates.  Notwithstanding  which  and  during  the  Im- 
prifonment  of  the  remainder,  others  were  fo  mfolently 

hardy 

ment,  of  29  March,  1690,  it  is  faid  they  mentions  alfo  a  letter  from  the  Govern- 
fend  duplicates  "of  our  Addreffes  and  ment,  directed  to  the  Earl  of  Notting- 
letters  [of  date  of]  about  fix  weeks  ham,  which  we  may  prefume  to  be  this 
fince."  Again,  the  receipt  of  Capt.  Addrefs,  as  the  Earl  was  Principal 
Bant  for  Andros  and  the  other  prifoners  Secretary  of  State. 

(44) 


hardy  as  to  furprize.  and  run  away  with  another  Veffell  and 
her  Cargo.  Thefe  daring  mifchiefes  conftrained  us  for  the 
neceffary  prefervation  of  the  peace,  after  Tryal  and  con- 
demnation to  order 'the  Execution  of  fome  of  the  Inftiga- 
tors  and  Leaders  of  thofe  Enemys  of  Mankind,  for  the 
deterring  of  others  from  the  like  intolerable  practices : 
having  Confidence  that  what  hath  been  done  in  that  regard 
will  be  no  wife  offenfive  to  your  Majefty. 

We  humbly  fupplicate  your  Majefties  Grace  and  Favour 
for  the  continuance  and  confirmation  of  our  Ancient  Char- 
ter Rights  and  priviledges  both  Civil  and  Sacred ;  for  the 
Obtaining  of  which  the  Eftates  and  lives  of  our  fathers  and 
predeceffors  were  expended ;  by  which  means  our  Libertys 
are  become  the  more  dear  unto  us,  upon  account  of  their 
own  innate  worth,  and  what  they  have  coft  us  with  no 
charge  to  the  Crowne.  From  which  confideration  we  per- 
fwade  ourfelves  that  your  Majefty  out  of  your  Clemency 
and  Juflice  will  effectually  confirme  us  in  the  poffeflion  of 
them ;  which  as  we  humbly  conceive  will  be  a  very  honor- 
able purfuance  of  your  Majefty 's  moft  gracious  Declaration 
in  order  to  your  defcent  into  England. 

May  God  bleffe  your  Majefty  with  a  long  and  profperous 
Reigne, 

So  prays 
Royal  Sir, 

Your  Majefties  very  Loyal  and  dutifull  fubjecls 
and  humble  fuppliant,  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cill  and  Reprefentatives  of  your  Colony  of  the 
Maffachufetts 

S.  BRADSTREET,  Governor. 


(45) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter  Papers,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  374.] 

Maffachufetts  Government  to  the  Earl  of 
Shrewfbury. 

Right  Hon(f!e 

May  it  p  leaf  e  your  LordJJiip. 

\  E  have  difpatched  this  Exprefs  with  the  duplicates 
of  our  Addreffes  and  letters  about  fix  weeks 
fmce,  by  the  hands  of  our  Agents  (who  we  hope 
are  fafely  arrived)  and  farther  to  lay  before  their 
Majefties  the  prefent  flate  and  condition  of  their  Colonys 
and  plantations  in  thefe  parts,  being  annoyed  and  infefted 
with  both  French  and  Indian  Enemys,  the  firft  (tho  formerly 
more  Secret  in  the  animating  and  fupplying  of  the  Indians 
againft  their  Majefties  fubjecls)  have  of  late  openly  appeared 
and  joyned  to  their  Affiftance  in  the  a6tual  affaulting  and 
defolating  fome  more  remote  Villages  and  Plantations  of 
the  Englifh,  as  Scheneclady  upon  Hudfon's  River  about 
twenty  miles  above  Albany,  and  Salmon  Falls,  a  Plantation 
upon  a  branch  of  Pifcataqua  River  (altho  the  loffe  of  both 
muft  principally  be  attributed  unto  their  own  deadly 
fecurity  and  treachery  of  the  Enemy)  the  Enemy  having 
killed  and  captivated  at  both  places  150  or  thereabouts 
men,  women,  and  children. 

We  have  not  been  wanting  on  our  part  to  doe  our  utmoft 
to  intend  the  fafety  and  prefervation  of  the  whole  of  their 
Majties  intereft,  and  had  men  in  Garrifon  at  both  places 
mfficient  with  their  own  Inhabitants  to  have  repelled  the 
force  of  the  Enemy.  We  are  certainly  informed  by  the 
Examination  of  fome  French  prifoners  lately  brought  in, 

that 
(46) 


that  the  French  from  Canada  have  five  or  fix  hundred  out 
joyned  with  the  Indians  in  feverall  partys  towards  this 
country  eaftward  and  weftward,  which  hath  neceffitated  our 
confederation  of  the  moft  effectual  means  to  refift  and  repell 
the  further  attack  of  that  Vigilant  and  reflleffe  Enemy. 
And  together  with  the  enforcing  of  our  Frontiers,  exciting 
of  the  Maquas  and  other  Indians  engaged  with  us  to  alarme 
and  moleft  the  Enemy  by  Land,  have  refolved  upon  an 
Expedition  againfl  them  by  Sea  to  Port  Royal  and  other 
places  adjacent,  where  they  have  taken  feverall  of  our  fifhing 
veffells ;  and  are  fetting  forward  the  fame  under  the  conduct 
of  Sir  William  Phips.  It  being  the  General  opinion  of  the 
whole  Countrey  that  there  is  no  expectation  of  the  putting 
an  Iffue  to  the  Indian  Warr,  nor  will  their  Majefties  fubjects 
here  ever  live  in  peace,  but  by  the  diflodging  and  removal 
of  thofe  ill  neighbours,  the  French ;  their  increafe  and 
ftrengthening  themfelves  in  thefe  parts  being  judged  utterly 
inconfiftent  with  the  intereft  of  the  Crown  of  England. 
God  fucceeding  this  prefent  attempt,  it  will  greatly  encour- 
age to  an  attack  upon  Canada ;  if  his  Majty  be  pleafed  to 
countenance  the  fame,  and  to  afford  fome  affiftance  of  Ship- 
ping with  a  fpeedy  fupply  of  ammunition,  of  which  we  are 
in  great  want,  and  can  hardly  fpare  fufficient  to  furnifh  the 
prefent  Expedition.  We  have  been  humbly  bold  to  fuppli- 
cate  his  Majefhy  to  order  a  fupply  of  Arms  and  ammunition 
for  us ;  and  that  this  fmall  veffell  cheifly  fent  on  that  occa- 
fion  may  be  permitted  fpeedily  to  returne,  that  we  may  not 
be  unprovided  for  our  neceffary  defence  and  to  refift  the 
affaults  of  the  Enemy. 

Right  Honble 

We  humbly  pray  the  Honr  and  advantage  of  your  Lord- 
fhip's  favourable  Reprefentation  of  the-  promifes  on  our 
behalf e  unto  his  Majefty,  and  your  Lordfhips  affiftance  and 

furtherance 

(47) 


[20] 


furtherance  of  our  Agents ;  whome  we  have  directed  to 
wait  upon  his  Majefty  on  occafion  of  this  and  other  our 
Publick  affaires. 

Praying    your    Lordfhips    Profperity,   we   fubfcribe    R* 
Honble 

Your  Lordfhips  fmcerely  devoted  and  moft 
humble  fervts- 

S.  BRADSTREET  Govr  in  the  name 
of  the  Councill. 

BOSTON,  29  March, 
1690. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Revolution,  vol.  cvii.  p.  219.] 

Letter  of  the  Governor  and  Council  to  the 
Earl  of  Shrewfbury. 

R*  Honble 

May  it  pleafe  your  Lordf* 

[CCORDING  to  our  Obligation  of  Duty  and  fin- 
cere  affection  to  yr  Majties  Service,  we  have  by 
fundry  occafional  Conveyances  as  well  as  by  one 
exprefs,  formerly  prefented  your  Lordpp  with  an 
Account  of  the  publick  affaires  of  their  Majties  Colonys  in 
New  England,  and  efpecially  in  reference  unto  a  bloody 
Warr  begun  and  carrying  on  againft  their  Majefties  Sub- 
jects and  Intereft  in  thefe  parts  by  a  Combination  of  French 
and  Indian  Enemies,  who  by  Reafon  of  the  difperfion  of 
the  Englifh  Settlements,  the  many  Rivers  and  hideous 
Woods  in  the  Eaftern  parts  (which  hitherto  hath  been  the 
Principal  Seat  of  the  Warr)  and  the  bafe  treacherys  and 

fculking 
(48) 


[21] 

fculking  of  the  Enemy,  have  gained  Advantages  by  furprizal 
to  perpetuate  divers  horrid  and  barbarous  Outrages,  Spoiles 
and  Devaftations  of  the  Englifh  dwellings. 

And  it  is  the  Concurrent  Opinion  of  the  whole  that 
notwithftanding  the  great  charge  and  Trouble  we  have 
been  at  in  raifmg  and  fending  out  men,  provifions  and  other 
fupplys  to  their  Affiflance  and  Releif,  that  we  cannot  fecure 
and  defend  the  Remote  Plantations  whilft  the  Enemy  forage 
and  live  upon  us  at  our  dwellings  and  anoy  us  upon  all 
Quarters  by  fending  forth  Partys,  in  the  mean  time  being 
quiet  at  home ;  fo  that  upon  confultation  had,  it  is  con- 
cluded to  Raife  an  United  Force  within  their  Majeflies 
feverall  Governments  as  far  as  Virginia,  to  attack  them  in 
their  owne  Country,  and  that  the  forces  from  the  Weftern 
Colonys  joyne  with  the  5  Nations  of  the  Indians  in  friend- 
fhip  with  us,  to  make  their  defcent  upon  Canada  from 
Albany,  whilft  at  the  fame  time  we  fend  by  fea  to  attack 
them  at  Quebeck ;  for  which  preparations  are  accordingly 
makeing  to  the  utmoft  of  our  Capacity  with  fuch  Shipping 
as  we  have  to  fet  forth,  expecting  that  we  mould  before  this 
time  have  received  his  Majeftys  Commands  reflecting  that 
Affair,  and  fupplys  of  Arms  and  Ammunition  as  we  humbly 
fupplicated  in  our  laft :  but  the  Seafon  of  the  Year  is  fo  far 
fpent  that  an  Omiffion  of  a  little  time  longer  may  loofe  the 
Opportunity  for  this  Summer,  and  the  Enemy  by  their 
Continual  incurfions  may  utterly  wafte  our  Remote  Plan- 
tations before  another  feafon. 

We  are  not  unfenfible  of  the  Greatneffe  and  chargeable- 
neffe  of  the  Undertaking  and  Vr.ft  import  thereof:  nothing 
leffe  than  Neceffity  could  have  forced  us  thereto  without 
their  Majefties  Gracious  encouragement  and  fupply  of  fliip- 
ping.  The  Voice  of  Providence  in  the  Generality  of  the 
People,  being  extraordinarily  fpirited  and  importunate  to 
engage  therein,  befpeaking  fetting  forward  the  fame,  looking 

at 
G  (49) 


[22] 

at  it  as  the  Principal  means  under  God  for  their  fafety  and 
defence  by  removing  and  cutting  off  fupplys  and  aids  to  the 
Enemy,  and  a  fpecial  Service  to  their  Majefties  for  the 
Prefervation  of  their  Intereft,  hoping  for  their  Majefties 
favourable  Acceptance  of  our  fincere  Intentions  and  En- 
deavours to  promote  their  Honor  and  Intereft  and  the  fafety 
of  their  Subjecls  under  our  care. 

We  formerly  forwarded  the  Intelligence  of  the  fuccefs  of 
the  Forces  fent  to  Fort  Royal  who  have  reduced  that  place 
unto  the  obedience  of  the  Crowne  of  England,  and  awaite 
their  Majefties  fettlement  thereof ;  it  will  be  our  rejoycing  if 
God  pleafe  to  honor  us  in  improving  us  as  Inftruments  of 
further  fervice  by  fmiling  upon  the  prefent  Expedition. 

In  a  late  engagement  of  two  of  our  Companys  with  a 
confiderable  Number  of  the  Enemy,  French  and  Indians 
whome  they  haply  difcovered  neer  a  fwamp  early  in  a  morn- 
ing bufied  about  making  ready  their  breakfaft,  ours  had  the 
Opportunity  of  falling  upon  them  before  they  were  difcryed, 
and  entred  into  a  fharp  difpute  for  3  or  4  houres  time 
by  brifk  firings  on  both  fides,  in  which  many  of  them  were 
flaine  and  wounded,  fome  of  principal  note,  and  had 
probably  been  totally  defeated,  had  not  a  frefh  Party  come 
in  to  their  Affiftance.  This  is  the  moft  considerable  Action 
that  we  are  certain  to  have  done  upon  the  Enemy,  and  tho 
our  lofs  (not  fo  great  in  Number  as  in  fome  of  more  efpecial 
ufe  and  fervice)  be  matter  of  Lamentation,  yet  God  is 
greatly  to  be  acknowledged  in  giving  any  Check  to  the 
Enemy's  Infolence,  and  we  truft  he  is  beginning  to  turne 
his  hand  upon  his  and  our  Enemy. 

Our  Coaft  is  infefted  by  French  Privateers  and  Pirates 
which  put  us  to  no  fmall  Trouble  and  charge  to  fecure  our 
fhipping  and  fea  ports  againft  their  Invafion,  and  have  two 
Ships  of  Warr  and  another  Veffell  fent  out  to  cruize  in  and 
about  block  Ifland  for  fome  who  have  lately  made  attack 

upon 
(so) 


[23] 

upon  that   Ifland,  and  hope  to  have  a  Good  Account  of 
them  in  a  fliort  time. 

R'  Honble 

We  fear  overmuch  to  trefpafs  upon  your  Lordpps  Pa- 
tience, but  accounted  it  our  Duty  humbly  to  lay  before  their 
Majefties  this  generall  Account  of  the  prefent  publick  Af- 
faires, humbly  fupplicating  their  Majefties  favorable  Accept- 
ance of  our  real  Endeavours  for  their  fervice,  and  gracious 
Afpect  towards  their  good  Subjects  of  this  Colony  in  a  full 
Confirmation  of  our  ancient  Rights  and  priviledges,  that  our 
Agents  now  waiting  at  the  Court  for  that  End  may  be 
fpeedily  difmiffed  home  with  Orders  for  the  fame,  which 
will  lay  us  under  the  higheft  Obligations  for  ever  to  acknowl- 
edge their  Majefties  Royal  Bounty  by  the  moft  Reall  demon- 
ftrations  of  our  Loyalty  and  Obedience. 

Praying  likewife  the  Continuance  of  your  Lordpps  favour 
whereof  we  have  experienced  the  fenfible  effects,  we  take 
leave  humbly  to  fubfcribe 

R<  Honble 

Their  Majefties  very  Loyall  and  dutifull 
Subjects  and  your  Lordpps  moft  hum- 
ble and  fmcerely  devoted  fervants 


SIM.  BRADSTREET,  Govr 

in  the  name  of  the  Councill. 


BOSTON  in  New  England, 
July  igth,  1690. 


[24] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxvi.  p.  228.] 

Governor  and  Council  to  the  Agents. 

BOSTON,  November  29,  1690. 
Honored  and  Worthy  Sirs 

IT  is  now  more  than  nine  months  from  the  time  of 
our  Agents  departure,  fent  from  hence  with  our 
humble  Addreffes  to  their  Majefties  for  our  fettle- 
ment,  fmce  which  we  have  not  been  made  happy 
with  the  receipt  of  a  line  from  your  felves,  that  might  have 
been  of  direction  in  the  Conduct  of  our  Publick  Affayres, 
circumftanced  with  fo  many  various  difficulties.  Although 
fome  not  well  affected  to  the  prefent  Goverment  have  not 
been  wanting  to  infmuate  as  if  they  had  Intelligences  of  the 
Iffue  and  ill  fuccefs  of  our  Affayres  in  England,  and  to 
fpread  abroad  divers  falfe  Rumours  reflecting  the  fame, 
to  amufe  the  People  and  make  them  uneafy,  and  thereby  to 
render  the  Adminiftration  of  the  Government  more  difficult. 
We  do  not  herein  intend  the  imputation  of  any  Neglect  to 
your  felves  or  Omiffion  of  opportunity's  for  convayance,  being 
fenfible  that  thofe  fo  acting  have  not  been  better  furnifhed 
with  Intelligences ;  but  to  intimate  the  Spirit  that  is  found 
among  us  and  that  the  delay  of  a  full  Settlement,  efpecially 
confidering  the  conjuncture  of  our  Affayres,  hath  been  of 
no  little  difadvantage. 

We  have  not  knowingly  omitted  any  convayance  to  im- 
part unto  you,  what  from  time  to  time  hath  occurred  with 
us  in  matters  of  moment,  particularly  referring  to  the  Warr, 
and  the  Expeditions  fet  forth  againft  the  French  and  Indian 
Enemy;  a  narrative  of  that  to  Port  Royal  and  of  God's 
fmiles  upon  us  therein  hath  been  forwarded  unto  you  and 
hope  is  come  fafe  to  hand,  with  our  Letters  advifmg  of  our 

preparations 
(52) 


[25] 

preparations  to  fet  forth  for  Canada,  which  was  accordingly 
put  in  Execution. 

The  awfull  Frowne  of  God  in  the  difappointment  of  that 
chargable  and  hazardous  Enterprize,  you  will  have  a  par- 
ticular Account  of  in  the  Narrative  accompanying  of  thefe ; 
wherein  whatfoever  fome  may  charge  as  matter  of  blame 
upon  thefe  or  thofe  Inftruments  imployed  in  the  conduct  of 
that  Affayre,  yet  is  the  providence  of  God  appearing  againft 
us  in  the  fame,  to  be  fpecially  marked  and  taken  notice  of : 
partly  by  the  long  continuance  of  contrary  winds  at  their 
Entring  the  River,  retarding  their  voyage  that  they  were 
neer  three  times  foe  long  going  up  as  their  paffage  was  to 
the  River's  mouth,  and  notices  thereby  given  to  the  Enemy 
to  prepare  and  opportunity  to  draw  down  their  forces  to 
oppofe  them.  As  alfo  the  withdrawing  of  the  Land  forces, 
notwithftanding  our  preffing  neceffity  of  a  Reinforcement 
of  that  expedition  to  keep  the  Enemy  alarmed  and  buify 
above,  endeavouring  all  we  could  the  profecution  thereof. 
Although  the  Indians  (as  is  faid)  fell  fo  greatly  fhort  of 
appearance  as  they  had  promifed,  Count  Frontenac  comeing 
with  his  fouldiers  to  Quebeck  but  three  dayes  before  our 
mips  got  thither;  and  then  the  unfeafonablenefs  of  the 
weather  after  their  arrival  there  :  and  fever'al  other  particu- 
lar providences  concurring  in  this  difappointment  gives  us 
plainly  to  fee  the  finger  of  God  therein ;  and  mail  our 
Father  fpit  in  our  face  and  we  not  be  afhamed !  God 
grant  that  we  may  be  deeply  humbled  and  inquire  into  the 
caufe  and  reforme  those  fins  that  have  provoked  fo  great 
Anger  to  fmoke  againft  the  prayers  of  his  people,  and  to 
anfwer  us  by  terrible  things  in  Righteoufnefs. 

And  no  lefs  of  God's  anger  hath  appeared  againft  us  in 
the  lofs  of  fo  many  of  our  friends  fent  out  in  that  Expedition, 
and  at  their  return  by  the  contagion  of  the  Small-pox. 
Fevers  and  other  killing  diftempers,  which  upon  a  modeft 

computation 
(53) 


[26] 

computation  (with  thofe  flain  and  dead  of  their  wounds)  we 
cannot  reckon  up  lefs  than  two  hundred  men  in  the  whole 
or  thereabouts,  whereof  neer  fifty  are  Indians.  God  is  holy 
and  righteous  in  all  his  waies  arid  forever  to  be  adored  in 
his  wifdom  and  Sovereignty. 

We  are  fenfible  there  will  not  be  wanting  thofe  who  will 
endeavour  to  traduce  and  mifreprefent  us  in  the  defigne  and 
management  of  this  fo  chargable  and  hazardous  an  under- 
taking, whereto,  it  being  by  moft  apprehended,  we  were 
enforced  through  neceffity  for  our  own  fafety,  we  can  truly 
fay  we  had  no  other  ends  therein  but  the  glory  of  God,  the 
prefervation  of  their  Majefties  intereft  and  defending  of 
their  good  fubjecls  of  thefe  Colonys  againft  the  incurfions 
and  depredations  of  cruel  Anti  chriftian  and  heathen  Ene- 
mies, who  were  .the  firft  Affailants,  and  made  their  inrodes 
upon  us  both  in  the  Eaft  and  Weft  laft  fpring,  and  are 
ufeing  all  their  jefuitical  policy  utterly  to  root  us  out,  as  you 
will  fee  by  the  inclofed  Narrative  of  Capt.  Davis,  accounting 
us  (as  the  Englifh  nation  in  general)  Rebels  for  our  Loialty 
to  their  prefent  Majefties. 

We  may  not  expe6t  to  live  in  peace,  nor  can  their  Majef- 
ties Intereft  in  thefe  parts  be  fecured,  but  by  the  fubdueing 
and  bringing  under  thefe  malicious  and  bloody  Enemies, 
who  are  wickedly  defigning  and  unweariedly  induftrious, 
fpareing  no  coft  and  bearing  with  the  moft  infufferable  in- 
juries offered  them  by  the  Indians,  to  profelyte  and  bring 
them  over  unto  their  fide ;  fo  that  they  may  have  the  fairer 
advantage  to  infeft  and  lay  wafte  the  Englifli  plantations. 
Nor  can  our  Sea  Coaft  Fifhery  or  Navigation  be  defended 
againft  their  Invafions  without  his  Majefty  fhall  be  pleafed 
to  afford  us  fome  afliftance  of  fhipping  and  other  fupplies, 
which  we  defire  you  would  humbly  lay  before  his  Majefty. 
And  if  his  Majefty  fhall  fee  caufe  to  order  the  fetting  forth 
any  frigatts  for  the  reduceing  of  Canada,  our  Souldiers 

(who 
(54) 


[27] 

(who  generally  want  neither  fpirit  nor  refolution)  are  ready 
to  offer  themfelves  again  to  that  Service. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  you  may  meet  with  fome  Com- 
plaints of  our  countenancing  or  connivance  at  irregular 
Trading,  and  not  giveing  due  Encouragement  to  a  private 
Ship  of  Warr,  that  feized  upon  and  brought  in  two  Eng- 
lifh  mips  from  Newfoundland,  that  came  thither  from  France. 
You  may  truely  anfwer,  that  we  do  not  apprehend  that  we 
are  juftly  to  be  taxed  in  the  one  or  the  other  of  fuch  com- 
plaints, and  have  not  been  wanting,  to  our  power,  to  prevent 
irregular  Trading,  by  imploying  of  Officers  to  infpecl;  and 
informe  as  alfo  to  feize  upon  any  fuch,  and  upon  particular 
Occafions  granting  forth  fpecial  warrants  for  the  taking 
hold  of  any  acting  in  that  kind,  and  fliall  be  alike  carefull 
to  proceed  againft  them  according  to  the  direction  of  the 
Law ;  one  Ship  is  at  prefent  under  feizure  in  order  to  Tryal 
on  that  account.  And  for  the  fhips  brought  from  New- 
foundland, one  was  feized  being  wholly  difcharged  of  any 
French  goods  (if  fhe  brought  any)  and  reladen  with  fim ; 
the  other  was  feized  with  French  goods  on  board ;  the  Cap- 
tain laid  his  Informations  and  joyned  Iffue  againft  both, 
upon  breach  of  His  Majefties  Declaration  of  Warr,  inhibit- 
ing of  his  fubjecls  holding  of  communication  or  corre- 
fpondence  with  the  French  King  or  his  fubjecls ;  in  which 
Declaration  there  is  no  penalty  fet  down  nor  Rule  given  how 
to  proceed  againft  any  Ships  or  Veffels  that  come  from 
France ;  and  this  was  an  Englifh  Ship  brought  there 
as  the  Merchant  alleged  to  bring  off  himselfe  and  other 
Englifh  Prifoners  and  not  trading  from  or  to  France  within 
the  meaning  of  the  King's  Declaration.  She  was  acquited 
of  that  Information  but  afterwards  refeized  by  the  Country's 
Officer  for  breach  of  the  Acts  of  Trade,  which  being  done 
as  is  alleged  in  Newfoundland,  fecurity  is  taken  for  the 
Anfwering  of  it  in  England.  The  cafe  of  the  other  fhip 

being 
(55) 


[28] 

being  differently  circumflanced  from  this  firft  is  tranfmitted 
to  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty  to  be  there  determined,  of 
which  you  may  have  a  farther  Account. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  month,  feven  or  eight  of  the 
Eaftern  Indian  Sagamores  fent  in  a  writing  by  the  hand  of 
a  Captive,  and  came  themfelves  to  Wells  to  make  Overtures 
for  Peace.  Some  Gentlemen  from  hence  were  appointed  to 
difcourfe  them,  but  ere  they  came  thither,  the  Indians  were 
all  gone  (fave  one  onely)  pretending  the  time  affigned  for 
their  return  was  neer  out,  and  if  they  ftayed  that  their  men 
would  apprehend  they  were  either  kild  or  deteined  Captive, 
and  fo  mifchiefes  might  enfue  thereupon.  Our  Gentlemen 
difcourfed  him  that  remained  and  agreed  about  the  Ex- 
change of  Captives,  and  that  thofe  who  came  to  fetch  the 
Captives  mould  be  inftructed  to  receive  what  further  Over- 
tures the  Sachims  (who  wrould  then  be  together)  fhould 
make  concerning  a  Treaty,  and  agree  of  time  and  place  for 
the  fame.  Captain  Alden,  Captain  Convers  and  fome 
Gentlemen  of  Pifcataqua  are  Employed  in  this  Affayre,  an 
Account  whereof  we  may  expecl;  within  a  weeke  or  Ten 
dayes  at  their  Return ;  the  Englifh  Captive  that  came  in 
faith  they  are  very  poor  and  low,  have  loft  a  confiderable 
number  of  their  men,  and  fome  of  principal  note  among 
them,  exprefs  themfelves  weary  of  the  warr,  and  have  this 
feveral  months  been  meditating  how  to  mediate  and  bring 
about  a  peace  with  the  Englifli.  The  fuccefs  of  this;  as 
all  our  Affayres  is  with  God,  who  we  hope  in  all  thefe  darke 
difpenfations  of  his  providence  will  at  length  caufe  light  to 
breake  forth  upon  us  on  whome  alone  is  our  dependence  and 
Expectations. 

Thus  you  may  fee  the  Sea  of  trouble  we  are  fwimming  in, 
nor  are  we  altogether  unfenfible  of  the  great  paines  and 
difficulties  your  felves  are  labouring  under  on  our  behalfe, 
their  Majefties  Favourable  Afpecl  towards  us  and  direction 

for 
(56) 


for  the  future  management  of  our  publick  Affayres  and 
Gracious  Settlement  of  the  Government  is  abfolutely 
neceffary  to  be  haftned  unto  us,  which  we  are  humbly 
awaiting  with  longing  Expectations  and  defire  you  to 
follicit. 

We  are  greatly  thoughtfull  about  the  difcharge  of  our 
Debts  at  home  and  the  making  of  fupplys  to  yourfelves 
abroad ;  there  wilbe  foon  other  Opportunitys  for  writing 
you  which  we  mall  be  carefull  to  improve ;  and  poffibly 
then  be  able  to  give  a  more  particular  Accompt  of  the  iffue 
of  the  late  great  Expedition :  wherein  we  doubt  not  you 
will  not  be  wanting  to  Endeavour  their  Majefties  favourable 
Refentment  of  our  fincere  Intentions  for  their  fervice. 

Giveing  our  hearty  Refpects  and  Service  unto  yourfelves 
and  other  Friends  with  you  that  wifh  our  welfare,  we  com- 
mend you  to  the  gracious  Protection  and  guidance  of  God 
both  in  your  perfonal  and  publick  Affayres  you  are  Engaged 
in  on  our  behalfe,  and  begg  your  prayers  for  direction  to 
our  felves  in  a  right  manageing  of  the  Arduous  Concerns 
under  our  hands. 

We  fubfcribe 

Your  affured  Friends  and  obliged  Servants 
SIM:  BRADSTREET,  Govr 

in  the  name  of  the  Council. 

For  the  Right  Worfhipfull  Sir  Henry  Alhurft,  Knt  baronet,  Elifha  Cooke, 
Efq.,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Increafe  Mather,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Oakes,  Agents 
for  the  MafTachufetts  Colony. 


(57) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  180.] 

The  Governor  and  Council  and  Reprefentatives  of 
the  Colony  of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay,  convened  in  Gen- 
eral Court  in  Bofton. 

To  all  to  whome  thefe  prcfents  fliall  come,  Greeting  &c. 

[NOW  YE  that  by  the  act  of  this  Court  we  have 
nominated  and  appointed  and  by  thefe  prefents 
do  fully  impower  and  authorize  our  honored  and 
trufly  friends,  Sir  Henry  Afhurft  K1  and  Baronett, 
Elifha  Cooke,  Efq.,  Mr  Increafe  Mather  and  Mr  Thomas 
Oaks,  to  be  our  Agents  in  England,  or  fo  many  of  them  as 
fliall  be  refident  there,  to  wayt  upon  their  Majefties  for  the 
negociation  and  management  of  the  public  affaires  of  this 
Colony  in  the  obtaining  a  full  confirmation  of  our  ancient 
Charter  Rights  and  Priviledges.  And  to  endeavour  the 
fame  by  all  due  and  lawful  wayes  and  manner,  and  for  what 
elfe  may  concern  us  there,  referring  to  the  perfons  now  to 
be  fent  into  England  in  obfervance  of  his  Majefties  com- 
mands, and  our  defence  againft  any  that  fliall  mifreprefent 
us,  on  account  of  the  late  Revolution  or  in  anything  tranf- 
a£ted  by  our  fo  long  fuftaining  the  Government  fince  that 
time.  Hereby  ratifying  and  confirming  what  our  faid  Agents 
or  fo  many  of  them  as  fliall  be  there  refident  fliall  lawfully 
ac~t  and  do  by  virtue  of  this  Power,  according  to  fuch  In- 
ftruclions  as  they  mail  receive  from  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil with  the  Reprefentative  body  of  this  people. 

In  teflimony  whereof  we  have  ordered  the  Common  fele 
of  the  Maffachufetts  Colony  to  be  hereunto  affixed.  Dated 
the  twenty-fourth  day  of  January,  Anno  Dom1  one  thoufand 

fix 
(58) 


fix  hundred  and  eighty  and  nine.     And  in  the  firft  year  of 
their  MajefUes  Reigne 

SIMN  BRADSTREET,  Governor 
By  Order,  IsA  ADDINGTON,  Secy- 

[NOTE.  —  Dec.  21,  1689,  the  Reprefentatives  had  voted  that  Do£t  Thomas 
Oakes  be  employed  as  agent,  to  join  with  Elifha  Cook  and  others,  defiring  the 
confent  of  the  Magiftrates  thereto.]  xxxv.  p.  142. 


Inftructions  for  the  Agents  for  the  Colonie  of  the 

Maffachufetts  Bay  in  New  England. 

1.  You  will  wait  upon  their  Majefties  and  humbly  prefent 
our  Addreffes  fent  with  you. 

2.  You  are  to  lay  before  his  Majefty  the  intolerable   In- 
convenience that  this  Colony  was  expofed  to  by  meanes  of 
the  Arbitrarinefs  and  Illegallity  of  the  late  Commiffions  and 
by  reafon  of  ill  Inftruments  in  whofe  hands  principally  the 
execution  of  them  lay. 

3.  The  utter  Inconfiftence  that  there  is  between  the  very 
being  of    this   Plantation  and   the   mifchievous   aims   and 
pra6lifes  of  the  French  King. 

4.  The  juft  and  amazing  fears  this  people  were  furprized 
with   upon  the  notice  they  had  of  the  late   King  James's 
being  in  France,  left  Sir  Edmond  Andros  (whofe  Governor 
and  Confidant  he  was)  mould  betray  them  into  the  power 
of    the   French  King,   other   circumftances  -concurring   to 
ftrengthen  thefe  fears. 

5.  The  defpair  this  people  were  brought  to  when  inftead 
of  defending  them  in  their  juft  Right  and  Properties  thofe 
in  the  late  Government  fought  to  turne  them  out  of  their 

Lands 
(59) 


[32] 

Lands  and  poffeffions  upon  which  under  God  they  had  their 
dependence  for  a  neceffary  Livelihood. 

6.  The  probability  there  is  that  the  prefent  Warr  with  the 
Natives  was  caufed  by  the  Injury  done  to  Monsr  Caftiene 
who  is  in  affinity  with  them  and  has  a  great  influence  upon 
them. 

7.  That  you  folicite  in  Parliament  or  elfewhere  as  may 
be  fit,  the  Confirmation  of  our  ancient  Charter  and  all  its 
Rights  and  Priviledges,  Civil  and  Sacred. 

8.  You    are   to   take   care    that  what   money   has   been 
advanced  in  London  by  Mr.  Stephen  Mafon  or  others  for 
the  ufe  of  the  Maffachufetts  be  fpeedily  payd  them  with  due 
thanks  for  their  real  fervice  done  to  this  Colonie  by  their 
meanes. 

9.  You  are  to  folicite  that  the  liberty  of  coynage  may  be 
allowed  us. 

Item.  To  lay  before  his  Majefty  the  cafe  of  Pemaquid. 

10.  That  you  lay  before  his  Majefty  the  great  inconven- 
ience we  are  under  by  the  ill  neighbourhood  of  the  French 
in  Canada  and  Acadie  and  places  adjacent,  and  pray  his 
fanclion  and  direction  in  that  matter. 

11.  If   there  be   opportunity  you  are  to  endeavour  the 
obtaining  of  fuch  Priviledges  as  may  be  of  further  benefit  to 
this  Colony. 

SIMON  BRADSTREET  Governor 

in  the  name  of  the  General  Court. 

BOSTON  the  24th  Januy  1689.     [1690] 
By  order  ISAAC  ADDINGTON,  Sec7 


NOTE.  —  The  addrefles  referred  to  are  evidently  the  documents  printed  on 
p.  43.     Probably  Capt.  Bant  took  all  thefe  papers,  as  well  as  the  ftate  prifoners. 


(60) 


[33] 


[VoL  xxxv.  p.  126.] 

[OTED  by  the  Reprefentatives  that  the  Treafurer 
forthwith  take  care  to  provide  bills  of  Exchange 
for  a  thoufand  pounds  fterling  payable  to  our 
Agents  in  England  towards  the  defraying  the 
publique  charges  of  this  Colony  that  are  and  may  arife 
there. 

EBENEZER  PROUT,  Clerk. 
DEC.  1 6th,  1689. 

Confented  to  by  the  Council 

IsA  ADDINGTON,  Sec7 


[P.  222.] 

|RDERED  that  if  the  Agents  for  this  Colony  in 
England  lhall  have  occafion  for  more  money 
there  than  what  is  now  advanced  and  ordered  for 
their  fupplys,  that  they  take  up  what  mail  be 
neceffary  upon  the  publick  Credit,  not  exceeding  the  fum  of 
one  thoufand  Pounds,  and  draw  bills  upon  the  Treafurer 
for  the  fame. 

pafl  in  the  Affirmative  by  the  Reprefentatives 

EBENEZER  PROUT,  Clerk 

FEBY.  7,  1689. 

Confented  to  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  die  predict, 
ISA.  ADDINGTON,  Secr. 


(61) 


[34] 


Honored  Sirs 


[P.  371- 

CHARLES  TOWNE,  ye  25th  March,  1690. 


|HIS  ferves  to  accompany  foure  Second  Bills  of 
Exchange,  with  their  letters  of  credit,  viz.,  one 
Bill  from  Sir  William  Phips  for  two  hundred 
pounds  fterling,  payable  by  Mr  Hopefull  Bendall, 
merchant  in  London ;  one  bill  from  Corn6  Samuel  Shrimp- 
ton  for  two  hundred  pounds  fterling  payable  by  Mr.  John 
Ives,  merchant  in  London ;  one  bill  from  Mr  Jeremiah 
Dummer  for  fifty  pounds  fterling  payable  by  Mr  Edward 
Hull,  merchant  in  London ;  and  one  bill  from  Capt  Richard 
Marting  for  fifty  pounds  fterling  payable  by  faid  Marting  at 
the  fafe  arrival  of  his  fhip  called  the  Bloffom,  and  in  cafe 
of  his  mortality  to  Mr.  John  Ives,  merchant  in  London. 

Alfo  I  have  fhipd  on  board  the  fhip  America  Mr  Hugh 
Sampfon,  comdr  one  hundred  fourty  and  four  barrills  of 
whale  Oyle,  and  on  board  the  floop  Refolution,  Mr  Wm 
Welfteed  commdr  one  hundred  fifty  and  two  barrills  of 
whale  Oyle  and  two  thoufand  five  hundred  of  Read  oak 
hogfhead  ftaves,  all  which  faid  goods  goes  configned  to 
Mr  Stephen  Mafon,  merchant  in  London,  on  the  proper 
account  and  rifque  of  the  Colony  of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay 
in  New  England  —  which  is  the  nedf ull  at  prefent  from 

Sirs  Yours  to  command 

JOHN  PHILLIPS,  Treasr 

[Indexed  as  Addreffed  to  the  Agents.  — ] 


(62) 


[35] 


[P.  299.] 

JRDERED  that  the  Sloop  Refolution  be  forthwith 
fitted  up  and  defpatched  away  for  England  at 
the  publick  charge  with  Advice  to  their  Majef- 
ties  of  the  prefent  danger  their  Majefties  Colonys 
in  thefe  American  parts  are  in,  of  Incurfions  by  the  French 
in  Canada,  now  in  aclual  hoftility  with  the  Crown  of  Eng- 
land. And  of  the  want  of  Armes  and  Ammunition  to 
furnifh  the  Country  for  their  defence.  And  that  fome 
Gentlemen  or  Merchants  be  defired  to  take  up  money  on  the 
publick  Account  to  load  her  at  the  beft  rates  they  can 
agree.  The  Treafurer,  Mr  Edward  Bromfield  and  Mr 
Jofeph  Parfon  are  appointed  a  Committee  to  purchafe  Oyle 
or  Logwood  to  load  her  without  delay. 

Voted  in  the  affirmative  by  the  Magiftrates 

ISA.  ADDINGTON  Secr 
13  Men.  1689/90. 

Confented  to  by  the  Deputies 

EBENEZER  PROUT,  Clerk. 


(63) 


[DOCUMENTS 


RELATING  TO  THE 


Period   of  Andros's  Adminiftration, 


CHIEFLY  FROM  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  ARCHIVES.] 


(65) 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


18  TN  this  fection  it  is  propofed  to  give  a  feleftion  of  papers  illuflrative  of 
-*•  Andres's  adminiftration  in  MafTachufetts,  taken  chiefly  from  the  Archives 
at  the  State  Houfe.  The  volumes  of  original  papers  there  covering  this  period 
are  labelled  "  Usurpation"  (vols.  126,  127,  128,  and  129),  " Revolution "  (vol. 
107),  "  Inter  Charter  "  (vols.  35,  36,  and  37),  and  "  Political"  (vol.  106),  though 
fome  papers  may  probably  be  found  under  other  headings,  according  to  the 
deteftable  divifion  made  in  the  Secretary's  office. 

Befides  the  unpublifhed  papers,  there  are  many  documents  in  print  of  the 
higheft  value.  It  has  feemed  bell,  therefore,  to  prepare  a  chronological  lift  of 
thefe,  at  leaft  for  the  period  embraced  within  the  limits  of  Andros's  connection 
with  Mafiachufetts.  Some  of  the  papers  are  of  fpecial  value  in  regard  to  other 
colonies,  but  they  will  be  calendared  as  of  fecondary  importance,  at  leaft,  in  our 
own  hiftory. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  papers  referring  to  Edmund  Randolph  are  not 
inferted  in  this  lift,  being  referved  for  a  fpecial  calendar,  in  a  fubfequent  part  of 
this  volume. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  any  continuous  part  of  the  hiftory  of  the 
times  ;  but  from  the  Archives  -  fuch  items  have  been  felected  as  feemed  moft 
charafleriftic  and  entertaining. 


(66) 


Lift  of  Papers  relating  to  Andros's 
Adminiftration, 

ALREADY      PRINTED. 


[The  Collections  of  the  Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society  are  marked  "  Col. 
3d  S.  or  4th  S."  The  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  Hiftory  of  New 
York,  "N.  Y.  Doc."  The  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Ifland,  "R.  I." 
The  Connecticut  printed  Records,  "  Conn.  Rec."] 


1685. 
1686. 


Oct.  13. 

June  3. 

Aug.  19. 

Sept.  13. 


Dec. 


19. 
8. 

22. 


3°. 

1686-7.    Jan. 

ii. 
28. 

Feb.    1 8. 

25. 
28. 


Judgment  vacating  Mafs.  Charter 
Orders  in  Council  . 


Andros's  Commiffion 

John  Gould's  Cafe 

Inftructions  about  R.  I.  Charter  .     . 

Petition  about  the  Eleutherians    .  . 

Petition  about  the  Eleutherians     .  . 

Pemaquid  Subject  to  Andros     .     .  . 

Order  to  preferve  Mafs.  Records  .  . 

Andros,  Letter  to  R.  I 

Andros,  Letter  to  W.  Clarke  .  .  . 
Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat  .  .  . 
Andros,  Letter  about  Conn.  Charters 
Petition  of  Richard  Smith  .... 
Firft  Council  Meeting  under  A.  .  . 
E.  Tyng  about  Quit  Rents  in  Maine 
Petition  of  John  Greene  to  the  King 
Specimen  of  Marriage  Licenfe  .  . 

Licenfe  of  the  Prefs 

Fees  for  the  Cuftom  Houfe       .     .     . 

Briftol  Petition 

Petition  of  John  Maine  of  Cafco  .  . 
Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat  .  .  . 
Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat  .  .  . 

(67) 


.     Col.  4th  S.  ii.  246. 
.     Col.  4th  S.  ii.  295. 

(  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  139. 
'  (R.  I-  iii.  212. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  150. 

(Col.  3d  S.  vii.  163. 
'I  R.  I.  iii.  218. 
.  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  159. 
.  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  168. 
.  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  1 60. 
.  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  162. 

(  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  164. 

(  R.  I.  iii.  119. 
.     R.  I.  iii.  219. 
.     Conn.  Rec.  iii.  376. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  165. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  166. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  164-7. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  169. 
.     R.  I.  iii.  221. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  170. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  171. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  173. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  172. 
.     Col.  3d  S.  vii.  176. 
.     Conn.  Rec.  iii.  379. 
.     Conn.  Rec.  iii.  379. 


[4] 


1686-7.  Mch.  30.     Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat  ....  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  380. 

Andros,  Letter  to  E.  of  Sunderland.     .  R.  I.  iii.  223. 

Andros,  Letter  to  E.  of  Sunderland .     .  R.  I.  iii.  224. 

June    13.     Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Conn.      .      j -c™n'  *lc'jji' ?**' 

18.  Andros,  Letter  from  Gov.  of  Conn.  .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  383. 
30.     Papers  relative  to  R.  Wharton     .     .     .  R.  I.  iii.  225. 

J.  Ufher,  Treafurer's  Account      .     .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  178. 

27.     Order  relative  to  Pemaquid     ....  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  177. 

July      9.     Duke  of  Courland's  Veffel Col.  3d  S.  vii.  181. 

Petition  of  Eliz.  Hammon Col.  3d  S.  vii.  181. 

14.  French  Proteftants  in  Narraganfett  .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  182. 
Aug.    6.    Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Port  Royal  .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  183. 

8.     Papers  about  Pirates Col.  3d  S.  vii.  184. 

Petition    of   Jofhua    Ratftock,    fchool- 

mafter Col.  3d  S.  vii.  186. 

Petition  of  Ifaac  Haulfey,  trooper     .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  187. 

24.  About  Wrecks  in  the  W.  Indies  .     .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  188. 
30.     Shadrack  Wilbore's  Imprifonment    .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  191. 

Oct.    22.     Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Conn.  .     .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  387. 

Nov.  23.     Andros  to  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  392. 

Dec.     5.     Andros  from  Allyn .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  397. 

Andros  from  Col.  Talcote Conn.  Rec.  iii.  399. 

1687-8.  Laws  for  Conn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  402. 

Jan.     26.     Andros  to  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  438. 

27.     Andros  from  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  438. 

Mch.  26.     Andros  to  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  441. 

1688.  April    7.     Commiffion  to  Andros N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  536. 

16.     Inftruftions  to  Andros J  £;  Y..DocJn.  543- 

23.    Andros,  Letter  to  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  443. 

May    n.     Inhabitants  at  Penobfcot Col.  3d  S.  i.  83. 

23.    Andros,  Letter  from  Gov.  Treat  .     .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  444. 

June     2.     Hubbard  made  Pres.  of  Harvard      .     .  Col.  3d  S.  i.  83. 

Aug.   ii.    Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Canada    .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  555. 

20.     Acl:  for  raifmg  Revenue Conn.  Rec.  iii.  447. 

25.  Andros,  Letter  to  Gold Conn.  Rec.  iii.  448. 

Sept    18.     Conference  with  Five  Nations      .     .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  557. 

19.  Andros,  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Canada    .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  557. 
Oct.      i.     Andros,  Letter  to  John  Allyn  .     .     .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  449. 

2.     Andros,  Letter  from  Dongan  ....  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  566. 

4.     Andros,  Letter  to  Privy  Council  .     .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  554. 

15.  Andros,  Letter  from  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  450. 

16.  Andros,  Letter  to  Allyn Conn.  Rec.  iii.  451. 

1688-9.  Jan-  25-     Proclamation  for  a  Faft Col.  3d  S.  i.  83. 

Mch.  24.     Subfcriptions  for  Epifcopal  Church  .     .  Col.  30!  S.  i.  84. 

1689.  April           Account  of  Forts  in  New  England  .     .  Col.  3d  S.  i.  85. 
June   28.    Attack  on  Cocheca Col.  3d  S.  i.  87. 

Relation  of  the  Plantation  of  N.  E.      .  Col.  3d  S.  i.  93. 
(68) 


Ls] 


1689.  June  28.     Declaration  of  Sylvanus  Davis     .     .     .  Col.  3d  S.  i.  101. 
July    30.     Orders  to  fend  Andros  to  England    .     .  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  191. 
Aug.     3.     Bradftreet  to  Gov.  Treat Conn.  Rec.  Hi.  468. 

14.     Affidavits  againft  A.  about  N.  Y.      .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  659. 

1690.  April  14.     Andros,  Letter  from  Livingfton    .     .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  708. 
May    19.     Andros,  Letter  from  Van  Cortland    .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  715. 

27.     Andros,  Report  to  Com.  of  Trade     .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  722. 

Nov.     4.     Letter  from  De  Meneval Col.  3d  S.  i.  1 14. 

29.     Treaty  with  the  Indians Col.  3d  S.  i.  112. 

Epifcopal  Minifters'  Petition   ....  Col.  3d  S.  vii.  192. 

1690-1.  Feb.  20.     Letter  from  John  Cotton Col.  3d  S.  i.  117. 

Petition  to  the  King Col.  3d  S.  i.  120. 

1691.  June     8.     Propofals  to  Capt.  Kid Col.  3d  S.  i.  122. 

C.  Mather's  Fables  of  the  Birds  .     .     .  Col.  3d  S.  i.  126. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvi.  p.  36.] 

J.   Palmer's  Letter. 

PEMAQUID,  July  4,  1686. 
SIR, 

|  INCH  my  departure  from  Bofton  have  difcovered 
that  Cap1  Phillip  Severett,19  Commander  of  the 
fhip  Johanna  of  Pifcattaway,  hath  lately  failed 
from  Malligo  to  Penobfcott  River  within  this 
part  of  his  Majties  Collony  of  New  Yorke,  and 
there  unloading  his  Cargoe,  being  about  70 
Pipes  of  Mallagoe  Wines,  2  Pipes  of  Oyle,  i  of  Brandy, 
about  1 6  or  17  Barrells  of  Fruite :  which  was  left  on  a 
Bank  of  the  River  fide,  covered  part  with  a  fayle  and  part 

with 

19  The  cafe  was  tried  in  England  by  "Johanna"  to  him  on  his  giving  "fe- 
the  Privy  Council,  as  the  following  curity  to  the  value  thereof  to  abide  by 
decree  mows  :  —  fuch  orders  as  fhall  be  made  by  your 

PHILIP  SIVERET.  —  In  Council,  25  Maty  Or  your  Courts  of  Juftice  in  New 
Jan.  1687-8.  Ordered,  to  return  the  England." — Ufurpation,  cxxix.  p.  4. 

(69) 


[6] 


with  Bowes,  and  two  men  left  to  looke  after  itt.  And  that 
the  empty  fhip  was  gone  for  Pifcattaway;  and  have  fent 
the  floop  with  orders  to  feize  the  fame :  which  they  did 
notwithftanding  the  Oppofition  made  by  Cafteene,  and 
have  brought  41  Pipes  thereof  to  this  Place,  and  am  now 
fending  againe  for  the  Reft :  a  particular  account  of  all 
proceedings  have  wrott  to  the  Prefident,  to  whom  Refer 
you,  and  hope  you  will  give  all  Affiftance  to  feize  and  fecure 
the  faid  fhip  that  me  may  be  proceeded  againffc  as  Defired. 

I  am  Sir 

Your  humble  Servant 

J.  PALMER. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvi.  p.  387.] 

Petition  of  Elutherian  Immigrants. 

To  his  Excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Goveror  of  his 
Majefties  Territories  in  New  England. 

JHE  humble  petition  of  Nicholas  Davis,  Nath. 
Sanders,  John  Alberry  and  Daniell  Sanders  in 
the  behalfe  of  felves,  families  and  the  reft  of  our 
Company  that  was  on  the  fame  accompt  with  us. 
Humbly  fheweth  your  Excellency  that  whereas  we  agreed 
with  fome  gentlemen,  here,  namely  Mr  Richard  Wharton, 
Mr  Simeon  Stoddard,  Mr  Jeremiah  Dummer,  and  Major 
Gidney  of  Salem,  for  the  fettlement  of  a  plantation  about 
Cafco  Bay  to  manure  and  fettle  it  according  to  articles 
drawne  upp  betweene  us,  we  have  performed  our  parts  and 
have  planted  about  fixteene  acres  of  Corne,  but  in  as  much 

as 
(70) 


[7] 

as  thefe  gentlemen  have  not  performed  their  obligation  to 
us  in  the  which  they  were  bound  to  fupply  us  that  wee 
might  carry  on  the  plantation,  we  were  forced  to  defert  the 
plantation  becaufe  wee  had  not  food  to  fubfift  there,  to  our 
great  damage  and  undoing  —  for  now  we  are  in  a  farr  worfe 
condition  than  we  were  before  we  went  thither,  not  know- 
ing what  courfe  to  take  to  fubfift  having  worne  out  our 
cloths  and  wafted  the  little  we  had.  Our  humble  petition 
to  your  -Excellency  is  that  we  might  have  relief  in  this 
matter,  for  if  we  had  forfeited  our  bonds  to  thefe  gentlemen, 
as  they  have  forfeited  their  bond  to  us,  the  law  would  have 
been  open  for  them  —  So  that  inafmuch  as  they  have  for- 
feited their  bond  to  us,  our  humble  petition  is  to  your  Ex- 
cellency that  wee  may  [have]  reftauration  as  your  Excellency 
mail  thinke  meet,  which  will  oblige  your  poore  petitioners 
ever  to  pray  for  your  Excellency. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  61.] 

(Andros  to  Lords  of  the  Treafury.) 

May  it p leaf e  your  Lordfhipps, 

HAVE  by  this  opportunity  of  his  Maties  Ship  the 
King  Fifher,  tranfmitted  the  Threafurers  account 
of  all  receipts  and  Difburfements  relating  to  his 
Maties  Revenue  here  fince  my  arrivall  which  does 
not  more  [than]  anfwer  the  charge  of  the  Government,  of 
all  which  have  endeavoured  to  Informe  myfelfe  as  much  as 
poffible  in  this  time,  and  flated  the  prefent  Revenue  by  the 
neereft  conjectures  can  be  made  thereof,  with  the  mod 
probable  and  eafiefl  way  effectually  to  Raife  the  fame  fuit- 

able 
(70 


[8] 

able  to  the  charge  (a  Computation  wherof  is  likewife  layed 
before  your  Lordfhips)  as  the  befl  and  moft  certaine 
method  for  his  Maties  Service  in  that  particuler 

The  Incidentall  Charges  att  firil  will  be  Large  being  of 
abfolute  neceffity  to  make  new  Fortifications  here  and  to 
repaire  thofe  already  made,  much  wanting  the  fame.  That 
on  Caftle  Ifland  about  3  miles  Diftant,  fmale  and  noe  wayes 
fitted  to  Lodge  a  Garrifon.  Wherefore  have  refolved  to 
make  fome  beginning  and  Lodgments  on  a  Convenient 
place  at  the  South  End  of  the  Towne,  called  Fort  hill, 
which  commands  the  Towne  and  all  Avenues  to  the  fame 
by  Land  or  Sea.  Which  is  humbly  fubmitted  by 

Your  Lordlhipps 

Moft  obedient  humble  fervant. 

BOSTON  IN  NEW  ENGLAND, 
Aug*3i"  1687. 

Endorsed  in  fame  hand  :  } 

Copy  of  the  Governor's  Letter    > 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Treafury       ) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  62.] 

(Endorfed :  the  Governor  to  the  Lord  Pre/ident^) 

MY  LORD, 

HAVE  by  his  Majeftyes  Shipp  the  Kings  Fifher 
tranfmitted  to  your  Lordfhip  the  duplicates  of 
feverall  ac~ts  formerly  fent,  and  copys  of  fome  fince 
paffed;  with  the  Journall  of  the  Councill  to  the 

laft 
(72) 


[9] 

laft  of  July,  and  purfuant  to  his  Majeftyes  commands  received 
the  laft  week,  Capt.  Francis  Nicholfon  was  the  24th  inftant 
fworne  of  the  Councill ;  and  the  25th  His  Majeftyes  Gracious 
Declaration  for  Liberty  of  confcience  and  Proclamation  for 
fuppreffing  Pyrates  &c.  were  publifhed  here  and  fent  to 
other  principall  places  A  few  which  there  being  lately 
apprehended  for  Pyracy,  one  accufed  by  a  merchant  of 
Jamaica,  the  others  taken  in  a  Ketch  that  came  into  this 
port,  againft  two  of  them  Bills  were  found  by  the  Grand 
Jury,  but  on  their  Tryalls  were  acquitted. 

I  have  lately  received  Letters  from  Governour  Dongan 
advifing  of  a  war  and  incurfion  made  by  the  French  of 
Canada  againft  the  Indians  on  this  fide  the  Lake  above 
Albany  and  under  New  Yorke,  where  they  mett  fome  dif- 
appointment  and  repulfe  by  faid  Indians,  which  is  of  import 
to  his  Majeftyes  Plantacons,  above  the  heads  of  whofe 
greateft  Rivers  the  faid  Indians  inhabite. 

I  Hear  that  Monfieur  Minviell  is  lately  come  from  France 
to  be  Governour  of  Nova  Scotia  or  Accadie,  (the  late  Gov- 
ernour, Monfieur  Perrott  going  home)  and  the  Triggot  that 
brought  him  to  attend  on  faid  coaft. 

That  a  Fortification  is  alfo  defigned,  faid  to  be  at  Port 
Royall  but  not  certaine  where. 

Some  Fortification  is  very  much  wanted  for  his  Maties 
fervice  in  this  place.  That  on  Caftle  Ifland  about  three 
miles  diftant  being  very  fmall  and  no  wayes  fitted  or 
defigned  to  have  lodged  a  Garrifon,  fo  that  I  intend  as 
abfolutely  neceffary  to  make  fome  beginning  and  lodge- 
ments in  a  convenient  place  at  the  South  end  of  the  towne, 
called  Fort  Hill,  very  proper  to  command  the  Towne  and 
comeing  in  both  by  land  and  fea. 

I  have  alfo  fent  the  accounts  of  the  Revenue  and  Dif- 
burfements  fince  my  time,  with  fome  obfervations  thereof 
and  beft  manner  of  raifmg  it  to  defray  the  charge  of  the 

Government, 
j  (73) 


[10] 

Government,  which  humbly  prefume  may  be  eafily  fo 
effected,  if  his  Majefty  fliall  think  fitt  to  order  the  fame,  or 
Impower  the  Councill  fo  to  do. 

In  obedience  to  his  Majefty 's  Commands  I  herewith  like- 
wife  fend  your  Lordfhip  the  Reports  on  the  claim  made  by 
Richard  Wharton,  Efq.,  to  certain  lands  at  Pajepfcott  and 
of  the  claymes  and  pretences  made  to  their  Narragansett 
Country  or  King's  Province  —  and  hope  his  Majeftyes 
Determination  and  Commands  for  faid  places  accordingly 

and  remaine  Your  Lordfhipps 

Moft  obedient  humble  Servant. 

BOSTON  IN  NEW  ENGLAND, 
the  31  Auguft,  1687. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  77.] 

(The  Governor  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Admiralty.) 

SIR, 

HIS  is  by  his  Maties  fhip  the  King  Fifher  now 
ordred  home  who  in  her  Repairafon  being  found 
more  defective  then  expected  has  occafioned  a 
greater  Expenfe  and  taken  more  time  then  thought 
me  would  have  wanted.  But  now  as  am  informed  by  the 
Captain  and  Officers  is  well  fitted  for  his  Mat!es  Service,  who 
have  been  very  Induftrious  and  Diligent  in  Getting  the 
fame  performed  accordingly,  and  the  captain  demeaned 
himfelfe  well  and  kept  the  mips  Company  in  very  good 

order. 
(74) 


order.  And  beleiving  at  his  Returne  he  will  give  an 
account  to  your  Satisfaction,  prefume  to  recommend  him  to 
your  favour  as  a  good  Officer  for  his  Maties  further  Imploy, 
which  I  doubt  not  but  he  will  deferve  and  acquitt  himfelfe 
well  any  where. 

His  Matles  fliip  the  Rofe  having  lately  been  in  the  Dock, 
where  Girdled  and  Repaired  to  the  captains  fatisfaclion,  .is 
now  fitted  and  ready  to  faile,  and  Intend  her  to  croufe  on 
this  Coaft  Eaftward  as  farr  as  Cape  Sables,  and  between 
that  and  Cape  Codd,  where  is  the  Chiefeft  of  our  fifhery, 
for  their  better  Encouragement,  and  to  prevent  the  Defignes 
of  any  Illegal  Traders  and  Pyrates  or  Privateers 

Monfieur  Minviel,  a  new  Governor  for  Nova  Scotia  or 
Acadie  arrived  lately  in  a  fmall  French  Friggat  of  about  16 
guns,  ordered  to  Croufe  on  the  Coaft. 

I  have  made  a  Battery  and  am  now  fortifying  a  place  att 
the  South  end  of  the  towne  called  Fort  Hill  very  proper 
and  abfolutely  neceffary  for  his  Maties  Service,  under  which 
is  a  good  Channell  clofe  to  the  more,  where  convenient 
Warehoufes  may  be  made,  and  as  am  advifed,  a  Dry  Dock 
if  Occafion.  The  fame  commanding  the  Avenues  to  the 
Towne  by  Land  or  Sea. 

I  am,  Sir 

Your  moft  faithful  humble  Servant. 
Dated  5  Sept.  1687. 


(75) 


[12] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  225.] 

0  His. Excellency's  Anfwer  to  the  Onnon- 

dagos    Proportions   (which    is    alfo    to    the    propofed 
Treaty  5  nations )  about  30  of  Octob :   1687. 

AM  glad  the  Brethren  are  fencible  of  my  friendly 
care  and  good  Inclination  for  there  fafety,  I 
making  no  Difference  between  them  and  any 
other  of  his  Majefties  Subjects,  and  therefore  am 
come  here  this  winter  and  brought  men  enough  to  affifl  the 
Brethren  if  need  be.  I  have  taken  fufficient  care  for  Corn 
and  Provifion  for  your  wifes  and  children  when  they  come 
here,  if  the  need  mould  require,  and  that  in  fuch  places 
where  they  need  not  fear  the  French  or  any  of  there  Indians ; 
but  I  hope  there  will  be  no  need  of  it,  for  the  Governor  of 
Canada  feeing  that  I  joyn  with  the  Brethren,  and  that  I 
have  taken  it  verry  ill  that  he  mould  offer  to  warr  with  the 
King  of  England's  fubjecls  without  letting  me  know  the 
caufe  of  itt;  upon  which  inftead  of  an  angry  letter  as  he 
writt  before,  he  writt  a  civiler  letter  pretending  the  Brethren 
were  the  King  of  France  his  Subjects  and  not  the  King  of 
England's — Now  I  am  fending  him  a  meffenger  to  lett 
him  Know  that  the  Brethren  are  the  King  of  England's 
Subjects  and  that  I  will  ftand  by  them  to  the  Laft  man,  and 
alfo  to  demand  all  the  Indian  Prifoners  he  has,  Therefore 
lett  the  Brethren  take  courage  and  fear  nothing,  for  I  beleive 
he  will  fend  one  to  me  to  defyre  a  Peace  with  this  Meffenger 

that 

20  This  report  enables  us  to  add  to  Oct.  22,  1687,  in  which  he  propofes  to 

the  memoir  prefixed  to  our  firft  volume  be  in  Hartford  about   the  end  of  the 

the  ftatement  that  Andros  was  probably  next  week.      Still  I    cannot   find   any 

at  Albany   in   October,    1687    (see  p.  reafon  for  affigning  this  paper  to  Gov. 

xxviii).    In  Trumbull's  Conn.  Records,  Dongan,  of  New  York,  rather  than  to 

iii.  387,  is  a  letter  from  Andros,  dated  Andros. 

(76) 


that  is  now  a  going.  Therefore  I  would  have  the  Brethren 
fend  me  Two  from  each  nation  of  the  wifeft  men  with  power 
from  the  Reft  to  give  me  their  Advice  in  every  thing  that 
is  fitt  to  be  done :  for  I  am  Refolved  to  doe  nothing  without 
the  Brethren,  and  the  Sachims  that  come  muft  ftay  here  all 
winter,  and  lett  each  bring  a  fwift  man  or  two  to  run  to  the 
Brethren  upon  all  occafions 
As  for  the  men  I  defired,  viz. 

Sinikes  100 

Cayoug  50 

Onand.  60 

Owye.  50 

Maq  40 

300  men 

It  is  good  for  them  to  be  at  Skennechtady  near  att  hand 
where  our  men  and  they  may  join  if  need  be. 

I  defyre  the  Brethren  as  I  have  often  told  them  already 
that  what  Prifoners  they  take  neither  to  Kill  nor  Torture 
them,  but  Keep  them  to  Exchange  for  their  owne  Prifoners, 
which  I  will  let  the  Governor  of  Canada  know. 

Brethren  the  Mohoggs 

There  are  four  children  lately  taken  at  Chambly  by  you ; 
I  defire  thofe  that  took  them  may  bring  them  here  and  they 
mail  be  Rewarded,*  for  they  belong  to  a  man  and  woman 
that  were  gone  for  the  Reft  of  there  things  and  fo  intended 
to  fteel  away  from  the  French  and'  to  come  to  this  govern- 
ment: for  there  is  a  great  many  people  that  are  running 
away  from  the  Governor  of  Canada;  hearing  that  I  give 
more  than  he  does  and  that  he  is  unjuft  with  quarelling 
with  us  —  (Now  when  I  fay  us,  I  mean  the  Brethren  as  wel 
as  me).  But  they  are  afraid  of  the  Brethren,  therefore  would 

have 

*  When  you  have  faid  this   to  the    befides  the  Belt  for  the  general  Propo- 
Maquas  give  them  a  Belt  of  wampum,    fition. 

(77) 


[14] 

have  the  Brethren  not  to  doe  any  harm  to  people  comeing 
hither,  but  ty  them  and  fo  bring  them  here,  *  [and  fend  me 
word  that  I  may  write  to  the  Governer  of  Canada,  for  there 
mail  not  a  Frenchman  be  fent  back  till  they  give  all  the 
Indians  for  them  which  they  fo  treacheroufly  took.]  provided 
the  number  be  not  above  25. 

I  have  writt  the  fame  and  fent  them  word  by  the  Bearer, 
but  if  you  take  any  French  not  comeing  here,  Keep  them 
Prifoners  in  your  Caftles  and  fend  me  word,  which  will  be 
a  great  means  to  ftrengthen  us  and  weaken  the  French ; 
for  the  Bofftoners,  the  befl  men  they  have  are  minded  to 
come 

Brethren  of  Oneyde : 

You  have  done  well  in  fending  the  Virginia  Indian  Prif- 
oners upon  my  commands.  Now  I  defyre  you  to  bring  me 
the  French  woman  that  was  taken  at  Cadarachqui.  I  hear 
me  is  given  to  a  family,  which  was  very  ill  done.  But  let 

that  family  bring  her  here  along  with ,  f  and  I  will  give 

that  family  a  good  Reward  — 

Upon  this  a  Belt  of  wampum  muft  be  given  to  the 
Oneydes,  befides  the  Belt  upon  the  general  propofitions. 

I  have  fent  2  Gentlemen  to  England,  one  after  another  to 
the  King  my  Mailer  to  acquaint  him  of  the  French  proceed- 
ing, and  alfo  that  if  there  be  any  of  our  Indians  that  were 
taken  Prifoners  and  fent  to  France,  that  they  may  be  fent 
home  to  their  friends. 

You  are  to  acquaint  all  the  Indians  that  the  meffengers 
that  are  gone  now  to  Canada,  have  the  fame  fign  as  the 
meffenger  had  before,  and  that  they  do  them  no  harm. 

[Ends  near  the  bottom  of  third  page  of  the  MS.,  which  is  a  rough 
draft  full  of  corrections  and  additions.  I  think,  however,  this  is  all  the 
paper.] 

*  This  was  in  margin.  f  Word  illegible. 

(78) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  237.] 

Pierre    Baudouin's    Petition. 

21  A  son  Excellence  le  goveurneur  en  chef  de  la  nouvelle 

Engleterre. 


humblement  Pierre  Baudouin,  difant 
qu'il  aplen  a  votre  Excellence  de  luy  accorder  Cent 
acres  de  terre  en  la  defpance  de  Falmouth,  prov- 
ince de  Mayne,  et  mefme  ordonner  au  fieur  Rich- 
ard Clements,  herpanture,  en  cette  partie  deputte  de  en  faire 
I'harpentement,  apres  quoy  en  faire  fon  raport  aux  fins, 
qu'il  foit  delivre  patentes  ou  baillettes  de  la  ditte  terre.  Et 
d'autant  que  par  la  fuite  du  f  upliant  du  royaume  de  France, 
pays  de  fa  naiffance,  caufee  par  les  rigeurs  quy  cy  exerce 
centre  eux  de  fa  religion,  il  a  preque  tout  perdu  le  bien 
qu'il  accedoit,  et  ce  quy  luy  reftoit  a  efle  employe  a  fon 
tranfport  et  de  fa  famille  en  ces  territoires,  eftante  au  nom- 
bre  de  fix  perfonnes,  ayant  quatre  petits  enfance  quy  ne  font 
encore  en  age  de  gaigner  leur  vie.  Ce  confideration,  mon- 
fieur,  il  plaite  a  votre  Excellence  en  continuant  vos  favours 
enverce  le  fupliant,  de  luy  faire  delivrer  la  ditte  baillette 
pour  dieu,  et  de  1'exanter  pour  quelques  annees  des  Taxes 
que  sel  .  .  nt  sur  les  propriaitaires  des  terres. 

Et  le  fupliant  continura  a  prier  dieu  pour  la  profperite  de 
votre  excellence,  ayant  desja  paye  au  dit  Clements,  trante 
quatre  {hillings  et  deux  penny  en  argent  tant  pour  1'her- 

pantement 

21  Every  one  will  remember  the  name  Society  in  1849,  p.  4,  will  be  found  the 

of  Pierre  Baudouin,  the  anceftor  of  the  tranflation  of  a  fimilar  petition,  though 

famous    Bowdoin    family.       In    Hon.  evidently  not  the  prefent  one.     I  refer 

Robert  C.  Winthrop's  admirable  ad-  the  reader  to  that  addrefs  for  a  moft 

drefs    before    the     Maine     Hiftorical  interefting  account  of  the  Bowdoins. 

(79) 


pantement  de  90  acres  de  la  ditte  terre,  ayant  efte  oblige  de 
vandre  quelque  effaits  quy  luy  reftoient,  a  moyteye  de  jufte 
pris,  pour  avoir  argeant  pour  le  dit  Clements. 

PIERRE  BAUDOUIN. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  200.] 

Sir  Edmund  Andros  Knt.  Capt.  General 

and  Commander  in  Chief e  of  his  Majefties  Territory 
and  Dominion  of  New  England,  to  Mr  Richara 
Clements  Depiity  Surveyor. 

|HEREAS  Pierre  Baudouin  hath  by  his  petition 
Defired  a  Grant  of  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant 
Land  in  Cafco  bay  for  his  prefent  fettlement  and 
Improvement,  thefe  are  therefore  to  authorize 
and  Require  you  to  Survey  and  lay  out  for  the  faid  Pierre 
Baudouin  the  faid  quantity  of  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant 
land  in  Cafco  bay  aforefaid,  in  fuch  place  there  as  you  fhall 
be  directed  to  by  Edward  Ting,  Efquire,  one  of  his  Majef- 
ties Councill,  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof,  and 
Returne  the  fame  into  the  Surveyor's  Office  att  Bofton, 
that  a  pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  accordingly.  And 
for  soe  doing  this  fhall  be  your  warrant. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  feal  at  Boflon,  the  8th  day  of 
Oaober,  1687. 


(80) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxviii.  p.  46.] 

John  Scott's  Petition. 

12  To  his  Excellency,  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  Knt.  Captain 
Generall  and  Governor  in  Chiefe  of  his  Majefties 
Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England. 

| HE  petition  of  John  Scott  of  Rhode  Ifland  hum- 
bly fheweth  That  your  petitioner  being  fhortly 
intended  to  undertake  a  Voyage  for  England  to 
looke  after  and  order  fome  fmall  Eflate  lying 
there  of  his  own,  being  alfo  imployed  by  his  uncle  James 
Scott  as  his  Attourney  to  difpofe  and  fettle  fome  Eflate  in 
England  belonging  unto  him,  and  haveing  occafion  for  the 
Affidavits  of  fome  perfons  liveing  at  Rhode  Ifland  who  knew 
Each  of  their  parents,  to  prove  that  they  are  the  Children 
and  heires  of  John  Scott  and  Richard  Scott  It  being  very 
difficult  and  chargable  to  obtein  the  faid  perfons  to  come 
down  to  Bofton  perfonally  to  teflify  the  fame  before  your 
Excellency,  and  his  Uncle  James  Scott  aforefaid  being  im- 
potent and  wholey  unable  to  undertake  fuch  a  Journey. 

Your  Petitioner  is  therefore  humbly  bold  to  waite  upon 
your  Excellency  to  know  your  Excellencys  pleafure  whether 
if  the  affidavits  of  fuch  perfons  referring  unto  the  premifes 
being  drawn  up  in  due  forme,  may  not  be  admitted  to  be 

fworne 

22  This  petition  prefents  fomedifficul-  Sylvanus.    If  this  petition  concerns  the 

ties  to  the  genealogift.     The  prefump-  fame  family,  it  would  fhow  that  Richard 

tion  would  be  that  John  claimed  to  be  had  alfo  a  fon  James,  and  that  John  had 

the  child  of  John,  and  his  uncle  James  a  fon  John  not  therein  mentioned.     A 

to  be  the  child  of  Richard  Scott.     It  is  tradition,  unfupported  by  fufficient  evi- 

faid  in   the    "  N-  E.  Hist,   and  Gen.  dence,  makes  this  Richard  Scott  a  mem- 

Regifter,"  vol.  xxii.  p.  15,  that  Richard  ber  of  the  Scott  family  of  Glemsford, 

Scott,  of  Rhode  Ifland,  had  a  fon  John  co.  Suffolk, 
who  outlived  him,  and  who  had  a  fon 

K  (80 


fworne  before  one  or  more  of  the  Councill  refident  upon 
the  place,  and  that  your  Excellency  will  pleafe  caufe  a  Cer- 
tificate to  be  annexed  thereto  under  your  Scale,  for  the  Con- 
firming and  corroborating  the  Authority  of  the  faid  perfons 
before  whome  the  affidavits  may  be  fo  fworn :  Or  what  other 
Method  of  your  Excellency  will  pleafe  to  direct  for  the 
takeing  of  faid  affidavits  that  fo  they  may  obtein  full  Cre- 
dence in  England  where  they  are  to  be  ufed. 

And  your  petitioner  as  in  duty  bound  fhall  ever  pray  &c. 

JOHN  SCOTT. 
13  FEBRUARY,  1687/8. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxviii.  p.  60.] 

Chriftopher    Talbot's    Petition. 

To  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  Knight,  Captain  General  and 
Governour  in  Chief  over  this  his  Majeftys  Territory 
of  New  E  : 

]HE  humble  petition  of  Chriftopher  Talbot,  Turner 
in  Bofton  humbly  fheweth  That  whereas  your 
petitioner  with  great  pains  and  expenfe  hath 
found  out  an  Engine  ufefull  for  divers  trades  men 
as  turners,  ropemakers,  fmiths,  and  all  forts  of  mills  for 
corne,  fider,  fawmills  and  almoft  any  thing  that  is  to  be  done 
by  wheels  with  fails  —  and  alfo  hath  difcouvered  to  make  a 
boat  fail  againft  the  wind  and  tide,  and  fundry  other  things 
with  more  eafe  and  expedition  than  hath  been  difcovered 
hitherto  either  in  Europe  or  America,  and  whereas  his 
Majefty  and  his  royall  prediceffors  have  at  all  times  been 
pleafed  gracioufly  to  Encourage  all  undertakings  of  this 

nature, 
(82) 


t'9] 

nature,  that  whofoever  finds  out  any  new  engine  or  inven- 
tion profitable  for  the  common  good  to  grant  their  letters 
patents  for  the  fole  ufe  thereof. 

Therefore  your  petitioner  is  humbly  bold  and  beggs  that 
your  Excellency  will  be  pleafed  to  grant  him  your  letters 
patents  for  the  fole  ufe  and  improvement  of  the  faid  Engine, 
in  thefe  his  Majefties  territorities  of  New  E.  for  14  yeares  (as 
is  accuftomed)  and  that  no  other  perfon  fhall  make  ufe  of  the 
fame  or  any  fuch  like  without  your  petitioners  confent. 

Who  is  in  duty  bound  and  ihall  for  ever  pray 

CHRISTOPHER  TALBOT. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Usurpation,  vol.  cxxviii.  p.  270.] 

William  Hutchins's  Petition. 

To  his  Excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andrews,  Capt.  Generall  of 
all  his  Majejlies  Forces  of  New  England,  and  Gover- 
nour  of  all  the  faid  Territory es. 

1HE  Humble  Petition  of  William  Hutchins,  Inhabi- 
tant in  the  province  of  New  Hampfhire,  in  New 
England,  humbly  fheweth  That  the.  Lord  hath 
been  pleafed  through  his  Righteoufnefs  to  vifit 
and  correct  your  poore  fupplycant  about  the  fpace  or  terme 
of  Six  yeares  with  untollerable  foors  all  over  his  Body,  Not- 
withftanding  he  has  made  ufe  the  moft  Learned  and  fcilful 
phifitians  that  he  could  heare  off;  but  found  [no  Remedy] 
as  to  his  cure.  And  fundry  Perfons  judgment  is  that  the 
Lord  hath  apointed  to  falve  your  much  afflicted  fupplycant 
non  but  our  Gracious  Leight  the  King.  Therefore  hee  and 

many 
(83) 


[20] 

• 

many  others  Humbly  conceaves  that  it  is  the  fors  that  is 
Commonly  called  the  Kings  Evell.  And  though  his  aflection 
bee  exceedingly  Greifeous  by  his  Ilneffe  of  Body,  hee  would 
redreffe  himfelfe  to  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the  King  for 
Remedy,  not  Doubting  but  God  hath  appointed  him  for 
much  good  to  all  his  Subjects  and  in  particular  to  your  poore 
aflicled  petitioner;  but  am  withoulden  from  his  goeing  to 
his  Majefly  by  his  exceeding  povrety,  for  one  afleclion  fel- 
dome  comes  without  its  fecond  [ves  ?] 

Therefore  your  poore  aflecled  petitioner  humbly  Befeeches 
your  Excellency  foe  as  to  Confider  of  your  poore  Deplorable 
and  much  aflecled  petitioners  Condition,  And  that  your  Ex- 
cellency would  bee  pleafed  to  Grant  him  a  Breife,  to  fee  what 
Chriflian  people  wilbe  pleafed  freely  to  contrebute  towards 
your  petitioner's  tranfportation.  And  in  foe  doing  it  will 
oblige  him  to  pray  for  your  Excellencys  health  and  happy- 
nefs,  and  fubfcritts  himfelfe 

,  Your  obliged  and  Dutyful  Servant 

WILLIAM  HUTCHINS. 
JUNE  19,  1688. 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  63.] 

J.   Blackwell,  about  the  Bank. 

23  GENTLEMEN, 

PERCEIVE  you  have  declyned  the  concerning 
yourfelves  any  further  in  the  Bank  affairs,  for  that  I 
am  informed  you  have  returned  the  Rolling  preffe 
to  Mr.  Carter  to  be  fold  (having  payd  him  for  it) 

and 

23  About  this  bank  fcheme  very  little    agers  to  be  appointed,  and  the  ftock 
feems  known.     There  were  feven  man-    was  to  confift  of  one  hundred  and  twelve 

fhares, 
(84) 


and  meet  not  at  any  time  on  that  occafion.  I  have  feverall 
times  alfo  been  tould  by  Mr  Allen,  that  he  hath  wayted  on 
fome  of  you  defiring  fome  compenfation  for  his  time  and 
paynes  as  well  in  directing  the  framing  of  the  Rolling 
preffe  &c.  as  afterwards  in  ufmg  it  for  tryall  of  the  plates 
and  printing  off  fome  Bills ;  and  he  fayes  you  have  not  yet 
done  it,  and  fo  feemes  to  mention  it  as  if  I  had  engaged  him 
therein.  If  I  did  fo,  It  was  not  only  upon  your  engagement 
to  carry  on  that  affayre  and  to  difburfe  what  mould  be 
neceffary  in  fuch  occafions,  but  by  your  approbation  and 
directions :  and  therefore  think  myfelf  concerned  and  quali- 
fyed  to  remember  you  of  it,  and  to  tell  you  I  expect  you 
bring  me  off  from  him,  as  alfo  Mr.  Ufher  for  the  Reame  of 
paper  had  thence  for  the  fame  occafion,  which  his  man  fetts 
me  down  for  at  27s,  as  alfo  for  ten  large  fkins  of  parchment 
chofen  out  and  taken  thence  by  Mr  Addington  and  me  for 
engroffing  the  Articles  of  Agreement  between  the  Affeffors 
and  Managers,  which  came  to  14s  2d.  I  was  alfo  in  dif- 
burfe 2OS  to  a  clerke  for  writing  out  the  Abftracls  of  the  book 
intended  to  be  printed,  befides  what  I  wrote  with  my  owne 
hand,  wherein  you  have  had  my  labour  and  paynes,  as  well 
as  other  contrivances  without  the  thanks  of  a  glaffe  of  wine 
at  parting  or  fince.  I  leave  thefe  things  with  you  defiring 
you  will  communicate  them  to  the  Reft  of  the  Gentn  con- 
cerned, and  that  together  you  will  put  them  into  a  way  of 
accommodation :  and  acquaint  them  that  if  they  think  fitt 
to  have  the  articles  cancelled,  I  mall  wayt  on  you  when  you 
mail  appoynt  a  time  for  meeting  for  that  purpofe.  And  if 

you 

ftiares,  while,  if  neceffary,  two  hundred  J.  B.      Others  were  S.  L.,  J.  R.,  J.  A., 

more  were  to  be  made.     From  a  draft  E.  H.,  J.  — ,  A.  W.,  and  P.  J.    Of  them, 

of  articles  ftill  on  record  in  Maffachu-  certainly  J.  Dudley,  and  Wm.  Stoughton 

fetts   Archives,  it    feems   the   affeffors  can  be  identified,  and  the  others  were 

were  to  be  the  four  principal  managers,  probably  Bofton  merchants.  The  fcheme 

or  deputies,   who    are    mentioned    by  feems  to  have  utterly  failed, 
initials  as  J.  D.,  W.  S.,  W.  W.,  and 

(85) 


[22] 

you  mall  then  think  fitt  to  beftow  on  me  the  Rolling  preffe 
and  plates,  which  will  do  no  body  elfe  good,  and  poffibly 
may  never  do  me  any,  yet  they  will  be  fome  teftimony  of 
your  refpect,  and  will  be  accepted  with  fuch  gratitude  as 
may  turn  to  your  account,  by  him  who  once  hoped  he  had 
propounded  a  thing  grateful!  to  you,  as  you  may  perhaps  fee 
caufe  to  judge  of  it  hereafter,  if  the  times  fhall  therein 
favour  me,  who  am  Gent. 

Your  very  affectionate  friend  and  fervant 

JOHN  BLACKWELL. 
BOSTON,  July  16th,  1688. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  137.] 

Andros  to  Major  Gold. 

NEW  YORKE  25th  August  1688 

HAVING  fome  time  fmce  rec'd  advice  of  five 
Indians  being  killed  at  Spectacle  Ponds,  and 
lately  of  five  Chriftians  killed  at  Northfield,  and 
Actors  not  taken  or  knowne,  but  fuppofed  to  be 
eleven  ftrange  Indians,  I  cannot  tell  you  how  much  I  am 
concerned  at  the  faid  mifcheife  and  Actors  Efcape.  You  are 
therefore  to  take  care'  that  due  Watch  and  Ward  be  kept 
in  your  refpective  out  places  till  further  Order,  and  give 
Notice  to  all  Indians  in  your  Parts  that  if  any  Mifcheife  be 
done  by  Strangers  and  they  doe  not  apprehend  the  Actors, 
or  if  not  ftrong  enough  prefently  give  us  Notice  and  joyne 
with  our  Militia,  fuch  Mifcheifes  will  be  imputed  to  them. 

And 

(86) 


[23] 

And  upon  notice  of  any  fuch  Attempts,  you  are  to  rayfe 
fuch  Forces  as  fhall  be  neceffary  for  the  apprehending  or 
purfuing  the  Actors  to  effect,  wherefoever  they  fly.  And 
to  afford  our  Indians  kind  reception  and  protection  in  any  of 
our  Towns  or  places  if  defired,  and  that  you  let  me  heare 
from  you  of  the  ftate  of  your  Parts,  and  foe  from  time  to 
time  as  occafion. 

I  am  Sir,  Your  affectionate  freind 

E.  ANDROS. 
MAJR  GOLD. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  195.] 

Andros  to  Col.  Tyng. 

ALBANY,  2oth  *]***  1688 

HAVE  by  exprefs  from  Bofton  rec'd  your  Let- 
ters of  the  ist  4th  &  6th  inftants,  direded  to  Capt. 
Nicholfon,  wherein  you  mention  Letters  rec'd 
from  him  (which  I  fuppofe  for  your  being  care- 
full  and  vigilant  in  your  ftation  as  he  fayes  intimated  to 
others)  and  that  by  your  feizing  and  difturbing  the ,  Indians 
you  have  Alarmed  all  your  Parts  and  putt  them  in  a  pofture 
of  Warr,  for  which  as  I  know  noe  Caufe  for  your  felfe  nor 
authority ;  but  all  Officers  Civill  and  Military  to  be  careful 
and  fteady  in  doeing  their  dutyes  in  their  refpeclive  ftations 
and  places  as  authorized,  but  not  to  make  Warr.  Hope 
that  the  Indians  fo  feized  and  as  I  heare  prefently  returned 
from  Bofton  gott  fafe  back  and  immediately  freed  .  . .  : 
(None  but  Criminalls  being  to  be  difturbed  or  deteined  on 

any 
(87) 


any  pretence  whatfoever)  and  all  ours  to  be  received  and 
protected  in  all  your  towns  and  places  if  they  defire  it. 
And  hope  to  heare  all  the  people  furprifed  in  Cafco  and 
Kenebeque  are  well  at  home.  And  as  you  are  not  to  Hinder 
any  being  vigilant  nor  to  obftrucl;  or  Difcourage  none  goeing 
about  their  Lawfull  occafions  either  att  Land  or  Sea,  the 
late  unwarrantable  proceedings  being  the  Occafion  of  all  the 
troubles  and  Mifcheifes  in  your  parts. 

The  mifcheifes  and  murthers  lately  committed  att  North- 
field  was  by  eleven  ftragling  Indians  from  Canada  who  I 
doubt  not  bringing  to  condigne  Punifhment.  All  the  Indians 
in  thefe  parts  have  been  with  me  here,  and  upon  Demand  of 
all  the  French  Captives  the  Maquas  have  already  delivered 
me  a  Girle  which  was  att  hand,  and  thank  God  all  well. 

I  am  haflening  to  Difpatch  for  New  Yorke  and  return  by 
the  way  of  Hartford  to  Bofton,  where  Expe6l  to  heare  from 
you  of  all  things  relating  to  the  Quiett  of  your  Parts. 

I  am  Sir 

Your  very  Affectionate  Friend 
LIEUT.  COLL.  TING. 


(88) 


[25] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  245.] 

John  Stuart's  Petition. 

To  his  Excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Knight,  Governour 
and  Captain  Generall  in  Cheife  of  all  his  Majefties 
Territory es  in  New  England  in  America. 

I  HE  moft  humble  petition  of  John  Stuart  of  Spring- 
field in  the  county  of  Hampfhiere  moft  humbly 
fheweth ;  that  whereas  your  poor  petitioner  was  in 
fervice  five  battles  under  the  moft  noble  Mar- 
quefs  of  Mount  Rofe  in  Scotland  for  his  Majefty  King 
Charles  the  firft,  and  thereby  fuffered  and  received  many 
dangerous  wounds,  whereby  having  efcaped  with  his  life 
through  mercy,  yet  his  health  hath  bene  and  is  like  to  be 
deeply  impayred  whilft  hee  lives,  being  altogether  left  un- 
capable  of  getting  a  lyvelyhood  in  this  world  for  himfelfe 
and  his  family,  that  although  having  a  Trade  which  might 
afford  him  a  comfortable  living,  hee  through  Gods  providence 
was  layd  about  three  yeares  laft  paft  bedrid,  and  fo  continues 
uncapable  to  gaine  any  releife  in  his  fad  condition,  and  hav- 
ing never  received  one  penny  towards  all  his  fervice  wherein 
he  was  ingaged,  was  after  taken  by  Ld  Cromwell  in  fight 
at  Dunbarr,  and  after  fent  into  this  land,  where  I  was  fold 
for  eight  yeares  fervice  to  purchafe  my  future  freedom.  God 
having  beflowed  fome  fmall  eftate  on  your  poor  petitioner 
whilft  he  gave  him  ability  to  labour. 

May  it  pleafe  your  Excellency  I  had  lately  a  horfe  preffed 
from  mee  for  fervice  of  the  country  in  purfuit  of  Indians, 
which  dyed  in  the  fervice  by  the  wrong  hee  received  before 
hee  came  home  —  Your  poor  petitioner  was  greatly  dif- 
appointed  by  this  lofs  which  was  all  the  Teame  he  had, 

and 
L  (89) 


[26] 

and  having  bin  conftrayned  to  buy  another  which  coft  him 
6U  ios  for  fupply  of  his  familys  prefent  want,  although  hee  is 
very  doubtfull  whether  this  will  prove  fo  ferviceable  as  the 
former  did,  your  humble  petitioner  would  moft  humbly  crave 
that  your  Excellency  would  vouchfafe  to  a  juft  and  due 
fatisfaction  to  him  for  his  fo  great  a  damage,  and  your  peti- 
tioner mail  daily  pray  for  the  befl  of  bleffings  on  your 
Excellency 

and  remayne 

Your  moft  unworthy  humble  fervant 

JOHN  STUART. 
SPRINGFIELD, 

i9th,  8^,  1688. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  260.] 

Boston  Prifon. 

To  the  Honorable  the  Judges  of  his  Majejlies  Territory 
and  Dominion  of  New  England,  &c. 

|HE  humble  Petition  of  Samuel  Maffey,  Prifon 
Keeper  of  Bofton.  Humbly  fheweth  unto  your 
Honors  that  your  petitioner  is  at  daly  expenfe  in 
providing  dyet  for  feverall  perfons  Lying  in  his 
cuftody,  and  fum  of  them  not  willing  to  fubmit  unto  tranf- 
portation ;  your  petitioner  haveing  made  complant  to  the 
juftices  at  quarter  feffons  of  the  peace,  by  them  being  an- 
fwered  that  fatisfaclion  to  your  petitioner  may  be  onely  had 
from  the  Countory  and  not  from  this  County  of  Suffolk. 

Your  Petitioner  therefore  Humbly  prayeth  your  Honors 
to  Order  fum  way  whereby  fatisfaclion  may  be  had,  and 

your 
(90) 


[27] 

your  Petitioner  relefed  in  this  matter  for  the  mantanence  of 
the  feverall  perfons  named  in  the  anexed  Schedull,  that  your 
petitioner  may  not  be  difcoraged  to  thear  further  relefe  whilft 
in  Cuftody,  nor  they  perrilh  for  want  of  fupply 

And  your  Petitioner  for  your  Honors  fhall  ever  pray 

The  names  of  the  feverall  persons  the  foregoing  petition 
hath  reference  unto 

ANTHONY   MORE.      Committed  the   i4th  Aprill  lafl  for  a 

runaway  Servant  from  Virginia. 
EDMUND    BIRD.       Committed    yth    February   laft   paft  for 

fellony  and  burnt  in  the  hand  the  following  Affizes. 
FOUR    INDIANS.      Committed   by  Authority  and   Inlarged 

without  paying  thear  charges. 
GARRAT    BOWMAN,  MATHIAS    WELINDROF.     Committed  by 

Authority  upon  Sufpicion  of  Supplying  the  Indians  with 

armes,  and  Inlarged  by  order  without  paying  charges. 
CATHERINE  HARTMAN.     Committed  loth  day  July,  Mathew 

Darby  fwearing  the  peace  againft  her ;  {till  in  cuftody  and 

her  hufband  preft  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Jofeph 

Smith. 
TWENTY-THREE    INDIANS,  twice   committed  and  difcharged 

by  order  without  paying  for  attendance  or  wood  ufed  to 

drefs  their  provifion. 

Dated  3oth  Oaobr  1688. 


[28] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  376.] 

Aft  againft  Emigration. 

Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Knt.,  Captain  General  and  Governor 
in  .Chief e  of  his  Majefties  Territory  and  Dominion  of 
New  England  to  Wm  Browne,  Efq.,  Greeting: 

|  HERE  AS  in  and  by  an  A  61  intituled  an  A61 
requiring  all  Mafters  of  Ships  and  Veffells  to 
give  fecurity,  amongft  other  things  therein  con- 
tained, it  is  enacted  and  ordained  that  the 
Mailer  of  every  Ship  or  Veffell  or  fome  other  for  him  in 
cafe  of  Difability  fliall  waite  upon  the  Governour  or  Com- 
mander in  chief  e  for  the  time  being  or  other  chief  e  officer 
appointed,  and  bring  a  Lift  of  all  paffengers  and  give  fecurity 
not  to  Carry  out  of  this  Dominion  any  perfon  without  a 
Tickett  from  the  Governour  or  fuch  other  perfon  as  mall  be 
appointed,  nor  Depart  himfelfe  with  his  Ship  or  Veffell 
without  the  like  Lycenfe,  under  the  penalty  therein  con- 
tained as  in  and  by  the  faid  Act  may  more  fully  and  at  large 
appeare : 

Now  know  yee  that  out  of  the  good  opinion  I  have  con- 
ceived of  your  Integrity  fittnefs  and  Ability  for  this  fervice, 
I  have  Conftituted,  Authorized  and  Appointed,  and  by  thefe 
prefents  doe  Conftitute,  Authorize  and  Appoint  you  to  be 

the 

24  This  document  has  a  fpecial  value  from  Palfrey's   note,  iii.  551,  that  he 

as  containing  fo  much  of  the  text  of  the  had  not  feen  the   aft.       The   prefent 

a<5t  againft  emigration.       In   our  firft  document  fully  confirms   all   that  was 

volume,  pp.  80  and  204,  we  printed  the  faid  by  the   colonifts  about  the  effect 

contemporary  notices  of  this  aft,  which  and  extent  of  the  law  ;  and  from  many 

it  was  faid  was  paffed  in  New  York  ;  bonds  ftill  on  record  it  feems  that  the 

but  at  that  time  of  printing  no  copy  penalty  was  ufually  ^1000. 
of  the  law  could  be  found.      I  judge 

(92) 


the  chiefe  Officer  in  the  Port  of  Salem  in  New  England, 
before  whom  all  Mafters  of  Shipps  or  other  Veffells  comeing 
into  that  Port  or  Dependencies  are  to  come,  and  to  bring  a 
Lift  of  all  their  Paffengers  as  aforefaid.  And  you  are  like- 
wife  Authorized  and  Impowered  to  fign  Ticketts  for  all 
Paffengers  bound  out  and  give  Lycenfes  for  all  Mafters 
with  their  Shipps  or  Veffells  to  Depart  from  the  faid  Port, 
purfuant  to  the  faid  Act,  and  all  perfons  are  to  conforme 
themfelves  thereunto  accordingly  under  the  penaltys  therein 
contained. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  Scale  at  Bofton  this  fifteenth 
day  of  Aprill  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  Majefties  Reign,  Anno- 
que  Dom1  1689. 

[In  various  bonds  given  under  this  aft  the  condition  is  in  the  following 
words  :  "That  if  the  above  bounden  [Mafter]  mall  not  take  or  receive  on  board 
his  faid  Veflell  any  Paflengers,  Servants  or  Slaves,  and  Carry  them  out  of  this 
his  Majefties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  without  a  Tickett  from 
the  Secretarys  Office  of  faid  Dominion,  nor  Depart  himfelf  with  his  Shipp  or 
Veffell  without  the  like  Lyfence,  then  this  obligation  to  be  void,  or  elfe  to  ftand 
and  remaine  in  full  force  and  virtue." 

A  penalty  of  ^1000  is  inferted  in  feveral  of  them.] 


(93) 


[30] 
Andres's    Adherents. 

Names  of  thofe  imprifoned  with  Sir  Edmund  Andros. 

1.  Jos.  Dudley  10.  Cap'n.  Treffey  19.  Mr  Kane 

2.  Judge  Palmer  u.  Mr  Juftice  Bullivant  20.  Mr  Broadbent 

3.  Mr  Randolph  12.  Mr  Juftice  Foxcroft  21.  Mr  James  Sherlock 

4.  Lt.  Col.  Ledgitt  13.  Cap'n  White  (Sheriff) 

5.  Lt.  Col.  Macgregry  14.  Cap'n  Ravenfcroft  22.  Mr  Larkin 

6.  Cap'n.  George  15.  Enfign  Pipin  23.  Cap'n  Manning 

7.  Major  Brockholes  16.  Dr  Roberts  24.  Lt.  Jordaine 

8.  Mr  Graham  17.  Mr  Farewell  25.  Mr.  Cuttler 

9.  Mr  West  18.  Mr  Jemefon 

[The  above  lift  is  given  in  R.  I.  Records,  vol.  iii.  p.  257,  copied  from  J. 
Carter  Brown's  MSS.,  No.  264,  vol.  v.] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Revolution,  vol.  cvii.  p.  109.] 

Petition  of  John  Weft. 

FROM  THE  PRISON  IN  BOSTON,  i3th  June,  1689. 
GENTLEMEN, 

HAVE  now  fuffered  fix  days-  Imprifonment  in 
this  place  by  your  Order,  befides  above  feven 
weeks  att  the  Caftle,  which  you  tell  me  was  by 
the  act  of  the  People.  And  noe  Cryme  or  Caufe 
being  mentioned  or  Affigned  in  my  Mittimus,  I  confider  I 
ought  not  by  Law  to  be  longer  deteined  thereupon ;  which 
defire  you  will  Inquire  into  or  1'ett  me  be  heard,  that  I  may 
have  your  Order  for  my  Releafement.  The  Coppy  of  the 
Order  by  which  I  ftand  committed  have  Inclofed  and  re- 
Gentlemen,  Your  humble  fervant 

JOHN  WEST. 

(94) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Revolution,  vol.  cvii.  pp.  248,  249.] 

Andres's    Capture. 

NEWPT  ON  RHOAD  ISLAND,  Aug.  5,  1689. 
HONORED  SIR 

|UR  Govr  not  being  free  to  be  active  in  the  Af- 
faires concerning  Sir  Edmond's  confinement  or 
to  wright  to  you,  eloaging  many  Reafons  why 
he  cannot  be  Active,  I  haveing  fpoken  with 
Cap"  Church  and  read  your  Letter,  and  finding  you  have 
no  certaine  knowledge  whether  Sir  Edmond  Androws  be 
fecured,  I  takeing  it  to  be  my  Duty  (and  as  I  judge  this 
weighty  manner  concernes  us  all)  doe  certainely  informe  you, 
that  Sir  Edmond  Androws  came  into  our  Towne,  ye  3d  day 
of  Aug*  1689,  being  Satherday,  a  litle  after  noone,  and  after 
much  Agitation  of  ye  Authority  and  People,  it  was  Con- 
cluded by  ye  Majority  y4  it  was  moft  fafe  for  our  felves  and 
ye  whole  Country,  yl  he  Ihould  be  fecured,  which  was  eme- 
diately  don  (before  fun  fett)  and  conducted  to  Lift*  Colonell 
Peleg  Sanfords  houfe,  the  place  concluded  on  for  his  confine- 
ment where  now  he  is,  haveing  a  confiderable  gard  of  foul- 
diers  about  ye  houfe  both  night  and  day  ever  fince  (which  is 
noe  litle  charge)  expecting  what  you  and  your  Honored  Coun- 
cell  will  conclude  concerning  hime.  I  fuppofe  Capt.  Church 
will  wright  more  larg  in  particulars,  I  cannot  enlarg  being  in 
great  haft.  My  humble  fervice  prefented. 

Your  real  friend  and  fervant 

JOHN  COGGESHALL,  Dep*  Gov* 

(95) 


[32] 


NEWPORT  Aug.  5th.  1689 
HOND  SIR 

YOURS  of  the  4th  Ihftant  recd  conferning  Sir  Edm  Andros 
who  was  by  feverall  Inhabitants  of  Newport,  immediately 
after  knowledge  of  his  being  in  towne,  put  under  ftricl:  Card, 
and  after  fome  conference  confined  a  Prifoner  unto  my 
Houfe,  upon  the  3d  prefent  before  funn  feting.  The  people 
are  full  of  carefull  thought  for  their  owne  and  Country's 
fafety  and  are  fully  Refolved  to  fecure  his  perfon  here  until 
further  confideration ;  can  fertainly  inform  their  Intentions 
and  actions  are  for  the  generall  intereft.  They  will  confider 
and  advife  with  the  principle  Gentlemen  of  the  refpeclive 
townes  of  the  Govern,  and  in  order  thereunto  notices  given 
forth  and  Meeting  defired  which  hope  will  accomplifh  a 
Refolve. 

I  am,  Sir,  Your  Honre  humble  feiV 

PELEG  SANFORD. 


[P.  249-] 

BOSTON  6,  Aug.  1689 
HONOED  SIR, 

YOURS  of  the  5th  inft  came  to  hand  this  morning  about  9 
a  clock,  whereby  you  certainly  Informed  of  the  fecuring  of 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  and  confining  him  a  Prifoner  under 
Guards  at  your  houfe.  Your  diligence  and  care  in  that 
matter  for  the  generall  good  of  the  whole  Country  is  to  be 
acknowledged  with  all  thankfulnefs.  The  Councill  have 
difpatched  away  Capne  Tho:  Prentis  with  his  Troop  and  L" 
Swift  with  a  party  to  be  a  Guard  for  the  fafe  bringing  and 
conducting  Sir  Edmund  unto  Bofton ;  they  come  the  common 

Road 
(96) 


[33] 


Road  to  Seaconck,  defiring  your  felf  and  Gentlemen  with 
you  by  the  affiftance  of  your  Guards  fafely  to  conduct  him 
over  the  Ferry  to  Briftole.  The  Councill  haveing  written  to 
Major  Walley  at  Briftole  to  provide  a  fufficient  Guard  to 
receive  and  fecure  him  there,  fo  to  forward  him  on  the  Road 
this  way  untell  the  Guards  from  hence  come  up  with  them ; 
not  doubting  of  your  readinefs  to  direct  and  Order  in  this 
publique  concern  fo  as  may  be  moft  fafe  for  the  whole. 
With  the  tenders  of  Service  and  Refpecls  unto  you 
Subfcribe, 

Sir  Your  affured  Friend  and  Servant 

S.  BRADSTREET,  Govr 
By  advice  of  the  Councill 
IsA  ADDINGTON  Secy- 

[Superfcribed.     For  the  Honord  Peleg  Sanford,  Efqre  at  Rhode  Ifland 
Thefe  Haft,  Poft  Haft,  for  their  Maties  Service] 


[P.  250.] 

NEWPORT  ON  ROAD  ISLAND,  Aug  the  5th  1689 
MUCH  HOND  SIR, 

I  RECD  yours  dated  the  fourth  of  this  inftant,  being  now 
willing  as  always  to  Serve  their  Maties  and  the  Country.  Sir, 
I  ariving  here  the  laft  night  found  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
feized  and  fecured  and  guarded  with  fufficient  Guard,  by 
the  Gentlemen  and  Inhabitants  of  the  Ifland.  I  thought 
it  convenient  fourthwith  to  give  your  Honor  an  account 
thereof,  the  gentlemen  concuring  with  me.  Sir,  my  oppinion 
is  that  it  is  convenient  forthwith  to  fend  a  Guard  for  him, 
that  may  convey  him  fafe  to  Bofton  from  whence  he  came. 
I  think  it  not  convenient  nor  fafe  for  the  Country  to  have 

him 
M  (97) 


[34] 

him  here,  finding  them  very  defirous  to  have  him  removed 
to  bofton.  If  you  pleafe  to  difpatch  an  account  of  your 
guards  coming  up,  we  may  provably  meet  them  on  the 
road.  The  Councill  of  Road  Ifland  is  this  day  fent  for, 
and  I  hope  you  mall  foon  have  an  accompt  what  they 
intend  to  do  as  for  their  advice  in  that  matter  which  I  am 
concerned  with.  Having  no  farther  matter  to  prefent  your 
Honor,  with  my  mofl  humble  Service  in  haft  remain 

Sir,  Your  moft  humble  Servant  whileft, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 


[P.  251.] 

BOSTON  Aug1  ye  6,  1689 
CAPT  CHURCH, 

YOURS  dated  the  5th  inftant  we  have  received  and  thank  you 
for  your  care  and  readinefs  to  ferve  their  Maties  and  your 
Country.  We  have  reed  alfo  a  letter  from  Mr  'Cogfhall,  the 
Deputy  Governor  of  Rhoad  Ifland,  giving  an  account  of 
their  proceedings  with  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  and  for  the 
conveying  him  hither  referes  us  to  your  letter,  according  to 
which  we  have  ordered  the  Guards  to  move  towards  your 
toune  as  poffibly,  which  will  be  about  one  or  two  this  after- 
noon (they  being  ordered  yefterday  to  Rendevous  at  Dor- 
chefter  and  Roxbury  this  day  at  noon  then  to  receive  orders 
for  their  march.  We  have  alfo  writt  Mr  Cogfhall  and  Major 
Sanford  that  they  will  pleafe  convey  Sir  Edmund  to  the 
ferry  at  Briftoll  and  to  Major  Wally  to  receive  him  there 
with  their  forces  and  bring  him  forward  till  our  guards  meet 
them  on  the  road ;  who  we  doubt  will  be  ftrength  enough  to 
fecure  him  hither  being  three  troops  of  horfe. 

Sir, 

(98) 


[35] 


Sir,  as  foone  as  the  prefent  hurry  is  over  with  you,  pleafe 
to  forward  our  bufinefs  with  the  Councill  there.  Not  elfe  at 
prefent  but  due  refpecls  from 

Your  loving  friend  and  fervant, 

S.  B.  Gov* 

To  Capt.  BENJA  CHURCH 
at  Briftoll. 

ESTEEMED  :  After  due  Refpecls :  Wee  Refeved  yours  dated 
Bofton  Auguft  the  4th,  1689,  and  doe  fignifie  in  Anfwer  to 
yours  that  Sur  Edmund  Andros  is  heere  under  Card  in 
Newport.  And  that  I  have  fomoned  the  Generall  Counfell 
to  Confult  that  affare,  of  which  Anfwer  will  be  fent,  is  all 
from  yours  to  ferve 

WALTER  CLARKE 

NEWPORT,  this  fift  daye  of 
Auguft,  1689. 


[P-  2S4-] 

BRISTOL,  the  5th  Aug.  1689 
HONOURED  SIR, 

HAVEING  information  on  Satterday  night  that  Sir  Ed. 
Andros  was  at  Newport  and  people  gathering  together  with 
a  defign  to  feize  him ;  As  it  was  moft  proper,  foe  wee  doubted 
not  but  they  from  thence  had  given  you  information  ;  and 
wee  the  rather  believed  it  becaufe  reported  that  one  rid  poft 
through  this  Town  that  evening :  but  leaft  it  were  a  miftake 
or  they  mould  neglect  wee  took  care  forthwith  by  credible 
hands  to  fend  an  account  as  far  as  wee  had  heard  with  what 
fpeed  wee  could.  The  people  wondred  he  had  been  gone 
foe  long  before  any  notice  given  in  thefe  parts.  That  they 

feized 
(99) 


;  [36] 

feized  him  and  fecured  him  you  have  had  an  account  of  be- 
fore this,  and  what  they  farther  intend  you  will  be  enformed 
of  from  them  by  the  bearer  and  your  own  meffengers.  It  is 
thought  the  chiefe  of  the  Quakers  and  fome  others  are  for 
his  efcape ;  it  is  no  place  to  think  he  will  be  kept  fafe  any 
time.  Whereas  wee  lye  between  Rhoad  Ifland  and  you,  if 
in  order  to  his  being  conveighed  within  the  bounds  of  your 
Colony  there  be  any  thing  proper  for  us  to  doe,  if  it  be  fig- 
nyfyed  what  you  defire  or  expect  therein,  there  will  a  ready 
complyance  and  fufficient  care  if  they  fee  caufe  to  deliver 
him.  But  if  you  advife  to  any  other  way,  if  you  fee  good, 
let  us  be  informed.  I  write  in  haft,  the  poft  flaying.  I  mall 
not  add  but  my  humble  fervice  which  defire  God  to  guide 
you  in  all  your  difficultys  that  lye  before  you.  I  take  leave 
and  reft 

Your  much  oblidged  Servant 

JOHN  WALLEY 


BRISTOL,  ye  8th  Aug.  1689. 

HONOURED  SIR, 

I  RECD  yours  of  the  6th  Inftant  but  the  motion  of  your 
Troops  being  with  more  fpeed  then  was  expected  they  were 
here  before  the  Iflanders  were  come  to  any  determination. 
Capt  Prentice  forthwith  after  his  comeing  to  Briftol  and  re- 
frefhing  him  felfe  went  to  the  Ifland  and  my  felfe  and  fome 
others  accompanyed  him  Perfons  there  were  of  many 
minds,  the  refult  whereof  you  have  from  Capt  Prentice. 
Sir  Edm.  is  now  at  my  houfe ;  his  motion  will  be  flow  by 
reafon  of  his  indifpofition.  Sir,  wee  have  been  very  carefull 
to  avoid  tumults  and  any  incivility  that  might  be  offered, 
and  wee  hope  the  like  care  will  be  ufed  in  the  other  parts ; 

and 

(100) 


[37] 

and  Sir,  it  is  the  deareft  defire  of  my  felfe  and  feveral  Gen- 
tlemen of  thefe  parts  that  Sir  Edmund,  though  with  all  care 
yet  with  as  much  privacy  as  may  be,  might  be  conveighed 
by  the  way  of  Dorchefter  or  that  wayes,  to  the  Caftle.  It 
will  be  extreamly  well  taken  by  him  and  I  hope  you  will 
gratyfie  him,  us,  and  among  your  felves  herein ;  he  defires, 
at  leaft  at  prefent,  that  he  may  not  come  to  Bofton.  Sir,  I 
have  not  to  add  but  mail  be  ferviceable  to  the  maine  and 
that  is  defigned,  fo  far  as  I  am  capable 

With  fervice  prefented  I  fubfcribe 

Your  Honours  moffc  humble  fervant, 

JOHN  WALLEY. 


August  8.  1689. 
To  THE  HONED  GOVERNOR  AND  COUNSILL, 

AND  pleafe  your  Honors  having  received  orders  from 
you  with  my  Troop  to  Brifloll  to  move,  in  order  to  receive 
Sir  Edmond  Andros  from  the  Gentlemen  at  Rhod.  Ifland, 
from  Roxbury  about  3  of  the  clock  we  moved  away  to 
Mr.  Woodcoks,  on  Wednefday  to  Briftol  juft  after  noon ; 
coming  to  Rhod  Ifland  fame  day :  the  counfill  being  dif- 
courfed  with  much  civilitie  they  delivered  Sir  Edmond,  and 
with  a  paffag  boate  fent  us  to  Briftoll.  And  Sir  Edmond 
complaining  of  indifpofition  of  body  to  ride  either  fwift  or 
far  together,  our  return  will  not  be  as  your  Honors  may  ex- 
pect. The  gentlemen  of  Briftoll  favoured  us  with  their  ad- 
vife  and  company  to  Rhoad  Ifland.  Pleafe  your  Honors  it  is 
requefted  by  Sir  Edmond  and  requefted  by  the  forenamed 
Gentlemen  that  Sir  Edmond  may  be  convoyed  by  Dor- 
chefter to  the  Caftle,  if  your  Honors  pleafe  there  to  fecure 
him  and  open  our  aproach  towards  Bofton  we  will  give 

you 

(ior) 


[38] 

you  an  account  thereof  for  fuitable  opportunitie  for  our 
guarding  him  to  forefaid  place.  This  being  in  haft  for 
opportunitie  of  fending 

I  fubfcribe  your  Honors  humble  Servant 

THOMAS  PRENTIS. 

Cap. 


[P.  257.3 

REHOBOTH,  the  9th  Aug.  1689. 
HONOURED  SIR, 

OURS  from  Briftol  wee  hope  you  have  recd.  Sir  Edm. 
Andros  is  now  at  Rehoboth  and  we  expect  to  be  at  Wood- 
flocks  or  wadeing  River  this  night,  as  your  orders  may  be 
and  as  is  much  defired.  Orders  at  Billings  might  fave  eight 
or  ten  miles  rideing.  Wee  hope  that  your  honour  with  the 
Councill  will  at  leaft  at  prefent  order  that  Sir  Edm.  may  by 
the  way  of  Dorchefter  be  conveighed  to  the  Caftle,  and  that 
you  will  take  care  for  boats  in  a  f utable  place  to  be  in  ready- 
neffe ;  tomorrow  in  the  afternoon  wee  hope  wee  might  be 
there,  but  wee  mail  expect;  orders,  and  if  poffible  defire  wee 
may  meet  it  at  Billings.  Sir  Edm.  is  not  willing  to  com- 
plaine,  but  he  rides  with  paine  and  difficulty  and  eight  mile 
faved  might  be  fome  eafe  befides  otherways  acceptable. 
Shall  not  add  but  fervice  prefented  and  fubfcribe 

Your  Honors  much  oblidged 

JOHN  WALLEY 
THOMAS  PRENTIS 

cap. 

SAMUEL  WHITE 
THOMAS  SWIFT. 

(102) 


[39] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Revolution,  vol.  cvii.  p.  309.] 

Petition  of  John  Weft. 

PRISON,  loth  7ber  1689. 
GENTLEMEN, 

|N  the  7th  of  June  laft  I  was  by  vertue  of  an  Order 
figned  by  Thomas  Danforth  in  the  name  and  by 
the  Order  of  the  Governor  and  Councill,  together 
with  the  Reprefentatives  then  affembled :  Com- 
mitted to  the  Cuftody  of  the  Keeper  of  the  Prifon  in  Bofton, 
who  was  ordered  to  receive  me  and  did  receive  me  accord- 
ingly. And  under  his  Cuftody  I  have  fuffered  above  thir- 
teen weeks  very  hard  and  close  Confinement  without  any 
Cryme  layd  to  my  Charge  worthy  of  Imprifonment.  But 
yefterday  the  keeper  of  the  Prifon  in  the  prefence  and 
heareing  of  feverall  credible  perfons,  declared  to  me  pub- 
liquely  that  he  was  not  my  keeper  and  did  not  keep  me  in 
Prifon,  nor  would  further  be  concerned  in  my  Confinement ; 
but  if  I  would  goe  into  the  Goale  he  would  open  the  doore. 
By  which  I  looked  upon  my  felf  fully  difcharged  from  that 
order  and  his  cuftody,  and  expected  my  Liberty  accordingly ; 
which  I  was  hindred  from  the  enjoyment  of,  by  fome  Armed 
men  who  were  att  the  prifon,  and  laft  night  without  any 
command  or  direction  of  the  Keeper,  I  was  forced  into  the 
Stone  Goale  againe  by  a  great  Company  of  Armed  men, 
without  any  further  Order  or  warrant,  and  am  by  their  force 
only  detained,  which  I  prefume  is  Contrary  to  all  Law  and 
Juftice ;  and  to  my  great  Injury  and  Oppreffion.  I  doe 
therefore  humbly  defire  your  Confideration  of  the  premifes 
and  that  I  may  be  Releafed  from  this  forcible  and  unjuffc 
confinement.  Expecting  your  Juftice  herein  I  remain 

Your  humble  Servant 

JOHN  WEST. 
(103) 


[40] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  36.] 

Petition  of  J.  Dudley. 

GENTLEMEN, 

HAVE  differed  near  fix  months  Imprifonment  to 
the  very  great  hurt  of  my  health,  and  occafions 
neceffary  for  the  fupport  of  a  great  family,  above 
twelve  weeks,  fmce  at  the  direction  of  Mr  Adding- 
ton  and  as  he  acquainted  me  by  order  of  your  felves,  I  gave 
a  very  extraordinary  and  unufuall  bond  to  obtayn  but  the 
fight  of  my  family,  and  the  benefit  of  fo  much  air  as  was 
neceffary  to  fave  me  from  perifhing ;  which  lafted  me  but 
three  or  four  Hours,  when  I  received  a  very  urgent  letter 
from  Mr  Bradftreet  for  my  return  to  the  Prifon  to  fave  the 
Rout  of  the  people  at  that  Inftant.  I  have  fince  been  often 
told  that  a  very  few  days  mould  bring  me  that  eafe  and  reft 
which  I  defired,  but  the  time  is  lapfed  hitherto  and  now  the 
winter  is  approaching,  the  Inconveniences  whereof  I  am 
unable  to  bear.  I  entreat  you  at  length  to  confider  and  re- 
folve  what  may  be  agreeable  to  Reafon  and  Juftice  and  not 
to  fee  my  deftruclion  and  ruine ;  but  to  fhow  me  the  Kind- 
nefs  of  a  brother  as  God  knoweth  I  am.  I  have  no  intereft 
nor  hopes  but  what  is  in  common  with  my  Country  whofe 
prefent  fuffering  I  take  my  mare  of,  and  hope  that  no  body 
profeffing  religion  can  take  pleafure  in  the  ftrange  methods 
of  Late  ufed  towards  mee. 

I  am  Gentlemen 

Your  Humble  Servant 

J.  DUDLEY 
4  OCT.  1689. 

(104) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  41 .] 

Petition  of  James  Sherlock. 

GENTLEMEN, 

|S  I  would  not  be  guilty  of  ufing  any  indirect  meanes 
to  obteyne  my  liberty,  fo  neither  would  I  be  want- 
ing to  my  felfe  in  foliciting  you  Gentlemen  for 
my  inlargement.  I  am  not  confcious  to  my  felfe 
that  I  have  deferved  fo  hard  treatment,  and  quietly  fubmit 
to  the  Providence  of  God  from  whome  I  have  deferved 
much  more  ;  twenty  fower  weeks  Imprisonment  is  a  punifh- 
ment  adequate  to  a  great  Crime :  therefore  mail  repeate  my 
Prayers  to  you  Gentlemen  for  my  difcharge  from  this  place 
and  your  directions  therein,  and  mail  remain 

Gentlemen  Your  moft  humble  fervant 

JAMES  SHERLOCK 

From  the  Prifon 
Octo.  the  5th,  1689. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  42.] 

Petition  of  Mrs.   Sarah  Palmer. 

To  the  honorable  the  Governor,  Councill  and  Reprefentatives 

]HE  humble  petition  of  Sarah  Palmer,  Sheweth 
That  whereas  your  petitioner's  hufband,  Mr 
John  Palmer,  now  a  Prifoner  att  the  Caftle  is 
very  much  troubled  with  the  Goute  and  other 
diftempers  of  body,  and  is  there  confined  in  a  roome  with 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  and  Mr  Graham  where  noe  fire  can  be 

made 
N  (105) 


[42] 

made  nor  attendance  upon  as  his  diflempers  require,  to  the 
great  danger  and  hazard  of  his  life. 

Your  petitioner  therefore  prays  that  the  faid  Mr  John 
Palmer  may  be  removed  from  the  Caftle  to  his  dwelling 
houfe  in  Bofton,  giveing  good  fecurity  to  be  a  true  prifoner 
there,  and  to  anfwer  fuch  things  as  mail  be  objected  againft 
him  on  their  Majefties  behalfe. 

And  your  petitioner  will  ever  pray,  &c. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  34.] 

Petition  of  Rachel  Whitmore.25 

To  the  Hon.  Simon  Bradftreet,  Efq.,  Governor,  and  the  reft 
of  the  Honored  Magiftrates  now  Jitting  in  Bofton,  The 
humble  petition  of  Rachell  Whitmore,  wife  of  John 
Whitmore. 

HEREAS,   your    Petitioner's    hufband   was    im- 
preffed   into  the   Countryes  fervice  againft  the 
Indian  Enemy,  and  is  now  with   Major  Swayne 
at  Newechawanick,26  and  your  Petitioner  and  her 
two  children  are  very  weake  and  ill,  and  unable  to  help  our- 

felves 

24  She  was  the  daughter  of  Francis  were  baptized  at  a  village  in  the  fame 

Eliot,  of  Braintree,  and  niece   of  the  county,  and  I  am  affured  that  the  pedi- 

Rev.  John  Eliot.     She  was  born  26th  gree  of  the  family  for  feveral  preced- 

Oc~t.  1643  ;  m-  ni"ft  John  Poulter,  and  ing  generations  will  be  definitely  afcer- 

fecondly  Dea.  John  Whitmore,  of  Med-  tained. 

ford.     In  the  "  Heraldic  Journal,"  vol.  28  Newechawanick,  now  Briftol,  Me. 

iv.  p.  182,  will  be  found  the  will  of  Benit  A  letter  in  the  fame  volume,  pp.  38-40, 

Eliot,    father    of   John    and    Francis,  from  Jer.  Sweyne,  is  dated "  Neweche- 

feveral  of  whofe   children   were  bap-  wonock  Salmon  falls  in  Barwick,  Oct. 

tized  at   Nazing,  co.    Effex.      Recent  4,  1689,"  and  that  may  fettle  the  date 

inveftigations   have  proved   that  John  of  this  petition, 
and  one  or  two  more  of  the  children 

(106) 


[43] 


felves  and  do  any  thing  for  our  Relief  and  the  reft  of  the 
family,  as  feverall  of  the  neighbors  can  and  have  informed 
your  Honors. 

Doth  therefore  humbly  requeft  the  favour  from  your 
Honors  that  her  hufband  John  Whitmore  may  be  difmiffed 
the  prefent  fervice,  and  that  your  Honors  would  pleafe  to 
pafs  your  Order  for  the  fame,  that  he  may  return  to  his  fick 
family,  and  your  Petitioner  fhall,  as  in  duty  bound,  ever  pray, 
&c. 

RACHEL  WHITMORE. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  78.] 

Order  againft  feditious  publications. 


HEREAS  many  papers  have  beene  lately  printed 
and  difperfed  tending  to  the  difturbance  of  the 
peace  and  fubverfion  of  the  government  of  this 
theire  Majeflies  Colonie,  King  William  and 
Queen  Mary.  It  is  therefore  ordered  that  if  any  perfon  or 
perfons  within  this  Collony  be  found  guilty  of  any  fuch  like 
Mifdemeanour  of  printing,  publifhing  or  concealing  any 
fuch  like  papers  or  difcourfes,  or  not  timely  difcover  fuch 
things  to  Authority,  or  doe  any  act  or  thing  that  tends  to 
the  dyfturbance  of  the  peace  or  the  fubverfion  of  this  gov- 
ernment, they  fhall  be  accounted  enemies  to  theire  Majeflies 
prefent  Government  and  be  proceeded  againft  as  fuch  with 
uttermoft  feverity 

Nov.  8th,  1689.     Faffed  in  the  affirmative  by  the  Repre- 
fentatives 

EBENEZER  PROUT,  Clerk. 

(107) 


[44] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  108.] 

Petition  of  J.  Dudley. 

BOSTON,  Decr  9,  1689 
GENTLEMEN, 

AM  not  acquainted  from  yourf elves  what  his 
Majeflyes  Commands  are  referring  to  my  felf,  or 
your  owne  refolves  thereupon,  but  take  leave  to 
advife  you  that  after  feven  months  imprifonment 
I  am  very  much  indifpofed  and  ftand  in  need  of  better  con- 
venience and  attendance  than  I  can  have  in  this  place  of 
Reftraint.  I  have  many  occafions,  that  a  great  family  and 
my  difordered  Eftate  by  the  loffe  of  my  fervants  and  other- 
wife,  ftand  in  need  to  be  fettled ;  and  my  wife  uncapable  to 
come  to  mee.  I  am  Willing  to  give  any  Security  that  mail 
be  demanded  of  me,  to  fhew  my  felf  in  Obedience  to  his 
Majeftyes  Order  whatever  it  bee,  and  defire  that  I  may  have 
the  benefit  of  my  family  and  the  Opportunity  to  fettle  my 
affaires,  that  I  may  bee  just  to  all  perfons  with  whome  I  have 
been  concerned,  and  do  my  duty  in  providing  for  and  fetling 
my  family  as  religion  and  nature  require  of  mee ;  and  Defire 
that  you  will  allow  mee  opportunity  foe  to  do,  and  am 

Your  fervant 

J.  DUDLEY. 


(108) 


[45] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  109.] 

Petition  of  John  Weft. 

PRISON  IN  BOSTON,  nth  Dec.  1689 
GENTLEMEN, 

|MONGST  the  many  Books,  papers  and  Writeings 
which  on  the  i8th  Aprill  pafl  were  in  the  Secre- 
tarys  Office  under  my  Care  and  Charge,  when 
the  fame  Office  was  forcibly  broake  open,  and 
they  taken  and  Conveyed  away,  were  feverall  books,  papers 
and  accounts  which  perticulerly  related  to  me  and  my  private 
Concernes,  and  are  yett  kept  from  me  to  my  Damage.  I  doe 
therefore  Defire  that  I  may  have  the  Liberty  to  looke  over 
the  faid  books,  papers,  and  Writeings  in  the  prefence  of  fuch 
perfon  or  perfons  as  you  mail  think  fitt,  and  that  fuch  as 
doe  belong  to  me  or  relate  to  my  private  Concernes  may  be 
Reftored.  I  have  been  long  a  Prifoner  but  know  not  yett 
for  what  Reafon  or  Caufe,  which  hath  been  and  is  greately 
to  the  prejudice  of  my  perfon  and  Loffe  of  my  Eftate;  and 
now  being  Informed  that  you  have  Received  orders  from  his 
Majeftie  relating  to  all  under  Confinement  your  Refolves 
upon  which  judge  will  be  made  knowne  to  us  when  you 
think  convenient.  I  doe  further  defire  my  Enlargement 
upon  Security  to  be  forthcomeing  to  attend  fuch  orders  as 
mall  be  given  purfuant  to  his  Majefties  Commands,  that  I 
may  be  in  a  Condition  to  fettle  my  Affairs  and  make  fome 
better  Provifion  for  my  felfe  and  family  then  my  prefent 
Confinement  will  permitt  me  to  doe.  Your  favour  herein 
will  oblidge  me  to  remaine 

Your  humble  fervant 

JOHN  WEST. 
(109) 


[46] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  no.] 


57  Petition  of   Dudley  and  others. 


GENTLEMEN, 


PRISON  IN  BOSTON,  i3th  Dec.  1689. 


|APT.  FAYERWEATHER  yefterday  by  your 
order  brought  us  the  Signification  of  his  Majef- 
ties  Commands  to  which  wee  doe  with  all  duty 
and  Readynefs  humbly  fubmitt :  And  defire  you  to 
Lett  us  know  when  and  upon  what  fhip  you  defigne  to  fend 
us.  And  to  order  our  Enlargement  upon  fuch  Security  as 
you  think  fitt  to  Demand,  that  wee  may  fettle  our  private 
Affaires  and  prepare  accordingly. 

We  are  your  humble  fervants, 

J.  DUDLEY 
ED.  RANDOLPH 
J.  PALMER 
JOHN  WEST 
JAMES  SHERLOCK 
GEO.  FAREWELL. 


87  A  fimilar  paper  is  figned  by  E. 
Andros  and  Ja.  Graham.  In  the  fame 
volume,  p.  149,  is  another  letter  from 
the  prifoners,  dated  Dec.  26th,  in  which 
they  "demand  that  his  Majefties  faid 
Commands  may  be  effectually  executed 


by  our  being  forthwith  put  on  board 
one  of  the  faid  mips  and  the  fame  pref- 
ently  difpatched  for  England  without 
further  delay."  Jan.  3d  it  was  voted 
by  the  Reprefentatives  to  fend  the  prif- 
oners by  Capt.  Martin. 


(no) 


[47] 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  165.] 

Note  from  J.   Riggs  to  Danforth. 

To  the  Honourable  the  Deputy  Governour. 

SIR, 

HAVEING  fent  up  to  you  that  I  have  buifeneffe 
to  communicate  to  you  and  the  reft  of  the  Coun- 
cill  concerning  his  Majefties  fervice,  and  haveing 
refeived  your  anfwer  that  you  are  at  prefent 
buifey,  I  waite  and  defire  admittance  to  be  heard  before 
your  adjournment  this  day. 

Yours  JOHN  RIGGS  * 

6th  JANUARY,  '89.     [1689-90.] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  231.] 

Extradition  of  Andros. 

\_To  fuch  as  for  the  Time  being  take  Care  for  preferving  the 
Peace  and  Adminiftring  the  Laws  in  our  Colony  of  the 
Majfachufetts  Bay  in  New  England  in  America^  2! 

JHEREAS    Sir  Edmond   Andros,   K',   Late  Gov- 
ernour of  our  Dominion  of  New  England,  has 
been  feized  by  fome  People  in  Bofton,  and  is  de- 
teined  under  clofe  Confinement  there,  together 
with  Edward   Randolph,  John  Trefry,  and  Divers  others, 

our 

23  This  I  take  to  be  the  fervant  of          *  The  heading  is  omitted '  in  this 
Andros,  mentioned  by  Palfrey,  iii.  585.     copy,  but  is  given  in  other  places. 

(ill) 


[48] 

our  Subjects,  Who  have  humbly  requefted  us  that  they  may 
be  either  fett  at  Liberty,  or  fent  in  fafe  Cuftody  into  Eng- 
land to  anfwer  before  us  what  may  be  objected  againft 
them;  we  do  hereby  will  and  require  that  the  faid  Sir 
Edmond  Andros,  Edward  Randolph,  John  Trefry  and 
others  our  Subjects,  that  have  been  in  like  manner  feized 
by  the  faid  People  of  Bofton  ;  and  fhall  be  at  the  Receipt  of 
thefe  Our  Commands  deteined  there  under  Confinement,  be 
forthwith  fent  on  Board  the  firft  fhip  bound  hither,  to  anfwer 
before  us  what  may  be  Objected  againft  them,  and  that  you 
take  care  that  they  be  Civilly  ufed  in  their  Paffage  from 
New  England,  and  fafely  Conveyed  to  our  Royall  Prefence 
Given  at  Our  Court  at  Whitehall,  this  Thirtieth  Day  of 
July,  1689,  in  the  Firft  year  of  Our  Reign 

By  his  Maty>s  Command 

NOTTINGHAM. 
(Copy) 
To  GILBERT  BANT,  Commander 

of  the  Ship  Mehetabel. 


JURSUANT  to  his  Majefties  Commands  in  his 
Gracious  Letter  of  the  3Oth  of  July  lafl  part, 
Copy  whereof  is  above  written  you  are  required 
in  their  Majefties  Names  to  receive  into  your 
charge  and  cuftody  on  board  the  Ihip  Mehetabel,  whereof 
you  are  Commander,  now  bound  for  England,  Sir  Edmund 
Andros,  Knt,  Jofept  Dudley,  Efqr,  Mr  Edward  Randolph, 
Mr  John  Palmer,  Mr  John  Weft,  Mr  James  Grayham,  Mr 
James  Sherlock  and  Mr  George  Farewell ;  Every  of  them 
herewith  delivered  unto  you  by  Capne  John  Fayerweather, 
and  them  fafely  to  convey  according  to  his  Majefties  Com- 
mands 

(112) 


[49] 

mands  in  faid  Letters,  which  you  are  exactly  to  Obferve  in  all 
Refpects.  Hereof  faile  not  as  you  will  anfwer  the  contrary 
at  your  peril.  Dated  at  Bofton  within  the  Colony  of  the 
Maffachufetts  Bay  in  New  England,  the  fifth  day  of  Feb- 
ruary 1689,  in  the  Firft  year  of  the  Reign  of  our  Sovereign 
Lord  and  Lady  William  and  Mary,  by  the  Grace  of  God 
King  and  Queen  of  England,  &c. 

SIM:  BRADSTREET,  Governor 

in  the  name  of  the  Gen'all  Court. 


JY  virtue  of  the  within  written  Precept,  figned  by 
the  Honble  Simon  Bradflreet,  Efqre,  Governor, 
purfuant  to  his  Majefties  Commands,  I  have  re- 
ceived (together  with  the  faid  Precept  and  Copy 
of  his  Majefties  Commands  there  above  written)  into  my 
charge  and  cuftody  on  board  the  fhip  Mehetabel,  the  feverall 
perfons  named  in  the  faid  precept,  viz1  Sir  Edmond  Andros, 
Knt.  Jofeph  Dudley,  Efqre,  Mr  Edward  Randolph,  Mr  John 
Palmer,  Mr  John  Weft,  Mr  James  Grayham,  Mr  James 
Sherlock  and  Mr  George  Farewell.  As  alfo  a  Letter  from 
the  Government  directed  to  the  Right  Honble  the  Earle  of 
Nottingham,  One  of  his  Maties  moft  Honble  Privy  Councill, 
and  Principall  Secretary  of  State  for  his  Maties  Service. 

pr  GILBART  BANT 

BOSTON  IN  NEW  ENGLAND, 

9th  February,  1689  [1689/90]. 


("3) 


[So] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Inter  Charter,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  240.] 

ALBANY,  the  i5th  day  of  Feb.  1689/90. 
HONORED  GENTLEMEN, 

1O  our  great  greeffe  and  Sorrow,  we  muft  acquaint 
you  with  our  Deplorable  Condition,  there  having 
never  the  like  Dreadfull  maffacre  and  murther 
been  Committed  in  thefe  Parts  of  America ;  as 
hath  been  acted  by  the  French  and  there  Indians  at  Shin- 
nechtady,  20  miles  from  Albanie  betwixt  Saturday  and 
Sunday  laft  at  ii  a  clok  at  night.  A  Companie  of  Two 
hundred  french  and  Indians  fell  upon  faid  village  and  mur- 
thered  fixty  men  women  and  children  moft  barbaroufly, 
burning  the  Place  and  carried  27  along  with  them  Prifoners, 
among  which  the  leiftenant  of  Capt  Bull,  Enos  Talmadge, 
and  4  more  of  faid  Company  were  killed  and  5  taken  prif- 
oners,  the  reft  being  Inhabitants;  and  above  25  Perfones 
there  limbes  frozen  in  the  flight. 

The  Cruelties  committed  at  faid  Place  no  Penn  can 
write  nor  Tongue  expreffe :  the  women  bigg  with  Childe 
rip'd  up  and  the  Children  alive  throwne  into  the  flames, 
and  there  heads  dafh'd  in  pieces  againft  the  Doors  and 
windows. 

But  what  mail  we  fay ;  —  we  muft  lay  our  hands  upon  our 
mouth  and  be  filent.  It  is  God's  will  and  pleafure  and  we 
fubmitt ;  it  is  but  what  our  Sinns  and  Tranfgreffions  have 
deferved :  and  fince  generally  human  things  are  Directed  by 
outward  means,  fo  we  muft  afcribe  this  fad  misfortune  to  the 
factions  and  Divifions  which  were  amongft  the  People  and 
there  great  Diffobedience  to  there  officers ;  for  they  would 
Obey  no  Commands  or  keep  any  watch,  fo  that  the  Enemy 
having  difcouvered  their  negligence  and  fecurity  by  there 
praying  Maquafe  Indians,  (who  were  in  the  faid  place  2  or 

3  days 


[Si] 

3  days  before  the  attaque  was  made),  Came  in  and  broak 
open  their  verry  doors  before  any  foule  knew  of  it ;  the  Ene- 
my divideing  themfelfs  in  3  feverall  Companies  came  in  at  3 
feverall  Places,  no  gates  being  mutt,  and  feperated  themfelves 
6  or  7  to  a  houfe,  and  in  this  manner  begunn  to  Murther, 
fpareing  no  man  till  they  fee  all  the  houfes  open  and  maf- 
ter'd :  and  fo  took  what  Plunder  they  would,  loading  30  or 
40  of  the  bed  horfes,  and  fo  went  away  about  1 1  or  1 2  a 
clock  at  noon  on  Sabbath  day.  •> 

It  was  as  if  the  heavens  combined  for  the  Deftruclion  of 
that  poor  Villadge  ;  that  Saturday  night  a  Snow  fell  above 
knee  deep  and  dreadfull  cold,  and  the  poor  people  that 
efcaped  and  brought  us  the  news  about  break  of  day,  did 
fo  much  increafe  the  number  of  the  Enemy  that  we  all 
concluded  there  was  a  confiderable  Army  comeing  to  fall 
upon  our  City,  as  was  affirmed  were  upon  there  march 
hither ;  we  being  told  not  only  then  but  the  day  after  that 
they  were  1900  att  leaft.  We  fent  out  fome  few  horfe 
forth  with  after  we  had  received  the  news,  but  fcarcely  could 
get  through  the  deep  fnow,  fome  whereof  got  to  that  defo- 
late  Place,  and  there  being  fome  few  Maquafe  here  in 
Towne,  we  got  them  to  goe  thither  with  our  men  in  Com- 
panie,  to  fend  meffengers  in  all  hafte  to  the  Maquafe  Caf- 
tles,  and  to  fpye  where  the  Enemy  went,  who  were  not  verry 
free  to  goe,  the  fnow  being  fo  deep  and  afraid  of  being 
Difcovered  by  there  tract :  but  comeing  to  the  village  were 
in  fuch  confternation  feeing  fo  many  people  and  cattle  kill'd 
and  burnt,  that  it  was  not  effected  till  2  days  after,  when  we 
heard  that  the  Maquafe  knew  nothing  of  it,  upon  which  mef- 
fengers were  fent,  and  the  Maquafe  of  the  firft  and  2d.  Caflle 
came  down  in  24  houres,  whom  we  fent  out  with  fome  of 
our  young  men  in  Purfute  of  the  Enemy.  Afterwards  the 
Maquafe  of  the  3d.  Caftle  came  doune  who  are  alfo  gone 
out,  but  are  afraid  will  not  overtake  them,  and  which  is 

worfe, 


[52] 

worfe,  if  they  doe  fynde  them  fear  will  doe  them  no  great 
hurt,  the  Indians  amongft  them  being  all  of  the  kindred  of 
our  Indians  :  for  the  Policy  of  the  French  is  fo  great  that 
they  Declare  to  fome  of  the  Maquafe  which  they  found  at 
Shinnechtady  that  they  would  not  doe  the  Maquafe.  harm, 
yea  if  they  mould  burn  and  deftroy  never  fo  many  houfes 
at  Canida  and  kill  never  fo  many  French,  they  would  not 
touch  a  hayr  of  there  head ;  for  there  Gouvernor  had  f uch  an 
Inclination  to  that  People,  he  would  live  in  peace  with  them ; 
nay  to  gain  the  hearts  of  the  Maquafe  whatever  they  defyred 
at  Shinnechtady  was  granted,  the  women  and  children  that 
were  left  alive  upon  there  defyre  were  Releafed  and  faved, 
the  very  houfes  where  the  Maquafe  lay  at  were  faved  upon 
there  Requefl :  fo  that  they  leave  no  Stone  unturn'd  to  bring 
the  Indians  to  there  Devotion 

The  40  Maquafe  that  were  out  as  Skouts  at  the  Lake, 
whom  we  furnifhed  with  Pouder  and  Lead  to  lye  there 
a  purpofe,  we  muft  conclude  have  knowne  nothing  of  the 
Enemies  comeing ;  for  they  had  pofted  themfelves  at  one  of 
the  Paffages  the  Enemy  was  paft  by ;  which  we  muft  Impute 
to  there  negligence 

The  faid  French  had  Belts  of  wampum  along  with  them 
which  they  fhowed  to  a  Maquafe  Squae  at  Shinnechtady, 
which  they  defign'd  to  have  given  to  our  Indians  upon  Pro- 
pofalls  of  Peace,  if  they  had  met  with  any  upon  the  way ; 
foe  that  we  muft  conclude  they  want  nothing  but  a  Peace 
with  our  Indians  to  deftroy  all  thefe  parts. 

Our  Maquafe  have  got  one  of  there  Indians  prifoner, 
whom  they  have  Tortur'd  and  afterwards  have  Releafed 
him,  but  deliver'd  him  into  our  Cuftody;  for  we  fear'd  he 
would  make  his  Efcape  and  Runn  away  to  the  Enemy :  the 
faid  Indian  confeffes  that  there  were  600  men  prepareing  to 
come  out  upon  this  place  or  N.  England,  and  one  hundred 
men  were  gone  out  againft  Skach  Rook  Indians  which  was 

befides 

(116) 


[53] 

befides  this  200  men;  and  that  this  Company  had  been  22 
days  from  Canida. 

After  the  French  had  done  the  principall  mifcheeffe  at 
Shinnechtady,  Capt.  Sander  a  Juflice  that  lives  crofs  the 
River  was  fent  for  by  the  Captain  of  the  French,  who  had 
put  himfelf  in  a  pofture  of  defence  in  his  fort,  with  the  men 
that  he  could  get  by  him ;  when  1 3  came  there  and  told 
him  they  mould  not  fear,  for  there  orders  was  not  to  wrong 
a  chicken  of  his,  upon  which  Capt.  Sanders  ordered  them 
to  lay  doune  there  arms,  and  fo  were  let  in,  where  they  left 
one  man  for  a  hoftage,  and  Capt  Sander  went  to  there  com- 
mander who  told  him  he  had  commiffion  to  come  and  pay  a 
debt  which  they  owed.  Col  Dongan,  our  Governor,  had 
ftirr'd  up  our  Indians  to  doe  mifcheeff  at  Canida,  and  they 
had  done  the  fame  here ;  and  pulling  his  Commiffion  out  of 
his  bofom,  told  he  was  ftrikly  charged  not  to  doe  any  harm 
to  him  or  his,  fince  he  but  efpecially  his  wife  had  been  fo 
charitable  to  the  French  prifoners :  fo  that  Capt.  Sanders 
faved  fundry  houfes  from  being  burnt  and  women  and  chil- 
dren from  being  carried  away :  but  the  Snow  was  fo  extream 
deep  that  it  was  impoffible  for  any  woman  to  march  a  mile  ; 
fo  that  they  took  none  but  men  and  boys  that  could  march. 

As  foon  as  the  Maquafe  of  the  firft  and  2d  Caftle  came 
doune  and  fee  the  Ruines  of  Shinnechtady  were  verry  much 
greev'd.  The  2  principall  Captaine  faid  to  Mr  Weffels  and 
fome  other  gentlemen  that  were  fent  from  Albany  to  Dif- 
patch  the  ChrifUans  and  Indians  away  in  Purfute  of  the 
French  — 

Now  you  fee  your  Blood  fpilt  and  this  is  the  beginning  of 
your  miferies  if  not  fuddenly  Prevented ;  Therefore  write 
to  all  them  that  are  in  Covenant  with  us,  viz*  New  England, 
Virginia  and  all  the  Englifh  Plantations  of  America  to  make 
all  Readineffe  to  mafter  Canida,  early  in  the  Spring  with 
great  Shipps,  elfe  you  cannot  live  in  Peace.  You  fay  your 

King 
("7) 


[54] 

King  is  a  great  king  and  you  are  very  numerous  here  in  the 
Country,  far  above  the  French.  You  are  foe,  but  now  is 
the  time  to  mow  it ;  elfe  the  more  you  are,  the  greater  fhame 
it  is  to  fuffer  the  French  to  be  mafter :  and  then  we  and  all 
the  5  nations,  yea  all  the  farr  nations  muft  acknowledge  you 
for  a  great  People  and  mafter  of  the  French  if  you  now  fub- 
due  it ;  But  hitherto  we  fee  the  French  are  the  Soldiers ; 
they  have  been  at  the  northweft  and  killed  the  Englifh 
there ;  they  have  killed  the  Indians  at  the  Sinnikes  Country, 
and  now  they  come  here  and  kill  the  Dutch,  (meaning  the 
Inhabitants  of  Shinnechtady  who  were  formerly  of  the 
Dutch  nation).  They  are  victorious  wherever  they  goe  — 
Them  of  New  England  have  told  us  they  would  deftroy 
Canida:  we  have  much  Depended  upon  there  great 
Promifes  fmce  we  know  they  are  Potent  enough  to  doe  it 
and  now  we  know  there  is  open  warr.  If  we  were  but 
affured  that  the  Englifh  would  minde  there  Intereft  now 
and  make  Ready  againft  the  Spring,  we  would  keep  them 
in  alarm:  we  muft  goe  hand  in  hand  and  Deftroy  the 
French :  we  hope  that  your  Government  with  men  is  come, 
which  you  have  often  told  us  of.  You  told  us  alfo  that 
your  King  of  England  was  fo  Potent  that  he  had  blokt  up 
the  French  havens ;  yet  the  French  governor  is  come  and 
we  hear  nothing  of  yours.  In  the  meantime  we  goe  out 
now  with  fixty  Maquafe  of  the  firft  and  2nd  Caftle,  25  River 
Indians  befides  the  Chriftians,  and  above  100  men  of  the 
3rd  Caftle  are  comeing  to  morrow,  we  will  purfue  the  Ene- 
my and  doubt  not  but  to  overtake  them  too  and  Refcue  the 
Prifoners. 

Now  Gentlemen  the  Indians  fpeak  well,  yet  we  are  fatif- 
fyed  by  all  there  actions  that  they  will  fide  with  the  ftrongeft, 
and  the  Indians  that  are  among  the  French  are  all  of  our 
Indians  Relations  ;  fo  it  cannot  be  Imagined  that  they  will 
deftroy  onanother.  Therefore  if  there  Majeftyes  Subjects 

doe 


[55] 

doe  not  Rife  like  one  only  man  againft  the  French,  there 
Majeftyes  Intereft  in  this  parts  will  be  deftroyed ;  and  they 
once  being  rooted  out,  all  your  Evills  which  fpring  from 
them  as  the  fountain  will  be  quafh'd:  the  longer  we  ftay 
the  worfe  it  will  be,  for  we  muft  doe  it  at  laft,  and  then  pro- 
bably after  we  have  loft  many  hundreds  of  our  People  which 
would  be  fitt  to  help  in  fuch  an  Expedition.  We  have  felt 
the  fmart  of  that  nation  and  pray  God  our  neighbours  may 
not  come  to  the  fame  Difafter.  We  are  fatisfyed  they  did 
not  defign  to  deftroy  Shinnechtady  but  all  our  out  Planta- 
tions, but  fyndeing  them  fo  fecure,  fett  upon  them  and  left 
the  other  untoucht,  thinkeing  they  could  never  Efcape  their 
Cruelties. 

Dear  neighbours  and  friends,  we  muft  acquaint  you  that 
nevir  poor  People  in  the  world  was  in  a  worfe  Condition 
than  we  are  at  Prefent,  no  Governour  nor  Command,  no 
money  to  forward  any  Expedition  and  fcarce  Men  enough 
to  maintain  the  Citty;  and  we  muft  conclude  there  only 
aim  is  this  place,  which  once  being  attain'd,  the  5  nations 
are  rent  from  the  Englifli  Crowne,  and  in  ftead  of  being  a 
Bulwark  to  thefe  Dominions  as  hitherto  they  have  proov'd, 
will  help  to  Ruine  and  Deftroy  the  Countrey  and  lay  all 
wafte.  We  have  here  plainly  laid  the  cafe  before  you  and 
doubt  not  but  you  will  fo  much  take  it  to  heart  and  make 
all  Readineffe  in  the  Spring  to  invade  Canida  by  water. 
We  pray  God  continually  for  the  arrivall  of  our  Governour, 
without  which  we  can  doe  but  litle,  haveing  enough  to  doe 
to  keep  the  Indians  to  our  fide  with  great  Expenfe  :  for  there 
Diffractions  and  Revolutions  at  New  Yorke  hath  brougt 
us  into  a  miferable  condition ;  that  without  your  affiftance 
and  the  50  men  from  N.  Yorke  we  mould  not  be  able  to 
keep  the  place  if  any  Enemy  came. 

We  begg  an  anfwer  with  all  hafte  that  we  may  fatisfy  the 
Indians :  we  write  to  N.  Yorke  and  other  parts,  of  our  mean 

condition 
("9) 


[56] 


condition.  We  long  much  to  hear  from  your  honors,  hav- 
ing fent  an  Indian  Expreffe  the  1 5th  January  laft  with  what 
papers  related  to  the  Indians  at  that  time ;  fmce  whene  our 
meffengers  are  come  from  Onnondage  and  the  Indians  all 
declare  to  be  faithfull  to  this  Government.  We  have  writt 
to  Col.  Pynchon  to  warn  the  upper  towns  to  be  upon  there 
guarde,  feareing  that  fome  French  and  Indians  might  be  out 
to  Deftroy  them. 

We  have  no  more  to  add  in  thefe  troublefome  times  but 
that  we  are 

Honorable  Gentlemen, 

Your  moft  humble  and  obed'  fervants 
the  Convention  of  Albanie30 

P.  SCHUYLER,  Mayor. 
DIRCK  WESSELL 
K.  V.  RENSSELAER 


30  I  have  not  feen  elfewhere  fo  full  added  on  the  original ;  but  it  is  illegible, 

an  account  of  this  maflacre.     Befides  and  is  more  probably  a  defignation,  as 

the  names  of  Schuyler,  Weflells,  and  "fchepens,"  or  fome  fuch  word. 
Van   Renflelaer,    perhaps    another   is 


(120) 


[EXTRACTS 


FROM 


Cotton  Mather's  "  Parentator,"  or  Memoirs 
of  Increafe  Mather. 

WITH   NOTES  AND  ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS  ADDED.] 


(121) 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


30  'T^HE  following  feftion  contains  a  reprint  of  certain  portions  of  Cotton 
-*•  Mather's  Life  of  his  father,  Increafe  Mather,  together  with  fuch  docu- 
ments as  illuftrate  the  text.  The  title  of  the  original  book  is  as  follows : 
"  Parentator.  Memoirs  of  Remarkables  in  the  Life  and  the  Death  of  the  Ever- 
Memorable  Dr.  Increafe  Mather,  Who  Expired  Auguft  23,  1723.  (2  Kings  ii. 
12.)  My  Father,  my  Father.  —  Bofton :  Printed  by  B.  Green  for  Nathaniel 
Belknap,  at  the  Corner  of  Scarlet's  Wharff.  1724."  i2mo.  pp.  xiv,  329,  and 
5  added. 

I  begin  with  chapter,  or  article,  xxiii.  p.  99,  of  the  Remarkables,  as  being  the 
commencement  of  Increafe  Mather's  important  public  labors  in  behalf  of  his 
country.  The  general  fubjecT:  is  treated  in  the  memoir  prefixed  to  the  fecond 
volume  of  thefe  Tracts,  to  which  reference  is  made  for  the  antecedents  of  Mather 
to  this  date. 


(122) 


Remarkables  of  Dr.   Increafe  Mather. 

ARTICLE   XXIII. 

New  Troubles  on  the  Country. 

N  the  Year  1686.  New  England  faw  it  felf  de- 
livered into  the  Hands  of  Sr.  Edmund  Andros, 
whom  K.  James  II.  made  the  Governour  of 
the  Country,  with  as  Arbitrary,  (and  one  may 
fay  Treafonable)  Commiffion,  as  ever  any  part 
of  the  Englifh  Nation  was  abufed  withal,  a 
Commiffion  by  which  the  Governour,  with  three  or  four 
more  Unrcafonable  Men,  whereof  none  were  Chofen  by  the 
People,  had  power  to  make  what  Laws  they  would,  and 
Levy  Taxes  according  to  their  own  Humours  upon  the 
People ;  and  he  himfelf  had  power  to  fend  the  beft  Men  in 
the  Land  more  than  Ten  Thoufand  Miles  out  of  it,  as  he 
Pleafed.  The  Cafe  of  poor  New-England  was  now,  what 
Old  Wendover  tells  of  the  Time,  when  Strangers  domineer'd 
over  Subjects  in  England ;  Judicia  committebantur  Jujuftis, 
Leges  Exlegibus,  pax  Difcordantibus,  Juftitia  Jujuriojis  ; 
and  Foxes  were  made  the  Adminiftrators  of  Juftice  to  the 
Poultry.  It  would  make  a  Long  and  a  Black  Story,  to  tell 
a  Tenth  Part  of  the  Vile  Things  done,  by  that  Scandalous 
Crue  which  then  did  what  they  would  in  the  Adminiflration 
of  the  Government:  even  Randolph  himfelf  who  was  then 
their  Secretary,  Confeffed  in  a  Letter  of  his,  which  anon 

came 


[4] 

came  to  Light ;  They  were  as  Arbitrary  as  the  Great  Turk. 
But  the  Awakened  and  Alarmed  People  in  the  Englifli  Na- 
tion, began  to  take  notice  in  their  Public  Remonftrances,  of 
what  was  doing  at  New-England,  as  an  Effay  of  the  French 
Government,  whereunto  England  was  then  hurrying  with  a 
Phaetontic  Praecipitation.  The  Adminiftration,  was  almoft 
entirely  a  Complication  of  Shamelefs  and  Matchlefs  Vil- 
lianies.  The  Hone/I  Gentlemen  in  the  Council  were  Over- 
looked and  Browbeaten,  and  rendred  infignificant.  Three 
or  Four  FiniJJied  Villians  did  what  they  Pleas'd :  There  was 
no  Controlling  of  them.  Among  other  Inftances  of  the  Vile 
Things  in  it,  there  was  This  Comprehenfive  One ;  The 
Banditi  gave  out,  that  the  Charters  being  loft,  all  the  Title 
that  the  People  had  unto  their  Lands  was  loft  with  them ; 
(for  which  a  fmall  DefecT;  in  the  Legal  and  Public  Settle- 
ments of  them,  was  Pretended :)  and  therefore  they  began  to 
Compel  the  -  People  every  where  to  take  Patents  for  their 
Lands.  Accordingly  Writs  of  Intrujion  were  Iffued  out 
againft  the  Chief  Gentlemen  in  the  Territory ;  by  the  Ter- 
ror whereof  many  were  driven  to  Petition  for  Patents,  that 
they  might  Enjoy  the  Lands,  which  had  been  Fifty  or  Sixty 
Years  in  their  Poffeffion :  But  for  thefe  Patents  there  were 
fuch  Exorbitant  Prizes  Demanded,  that  Fifty  Pounds  could 
not  Purchafe  for  its  Owner  an  Eftate  not  Worth  Two  Hun- 
dred: nor  could  all  the  Money  and  Moveables  in  the  Terri- 
tory have  Defray'd  the  Charges  of  Pattenting  the  Lands  at 
the  Hands  of  thefe  Crocodiles ;  Befides  the  Confiderable 
Quitrents  for  the  King.  Indeed,  the  Bruitifh  Things  done 
by  thefe  Wild  Beafts  of  the  Earth,  are  too  Many  to  be  Re- 
lated, and  would  be  too  Bruitifh  to  be  Believed.  Guefs 
what  was  to  be  Expected,  from  a  Parcel  of  Hungry 
Wretches,  who  had  caft  off  all  Senfe  and  all  Face  of  Hon- 
ejly,  and  who  Publickly  told  the  Poor  People,  They  muft 
not  think  that  the  Priviledges  of  EngliJJimen  would  follow 

them 
(124) 


[5] 

them  to  the  Ends  of  the  Earth  ;  And,  They  had  no  more 
Priviledges  left  but  This,  that  they  were  not  Bought  and 
Sold  for  Slaves.  In  fhort,  All  was  done,  that  might  be 
expecled  from  a  Kirk,  Except  the  Bloody  Part  But  That 
was  coming  on.  The  Lives  of  the  Beft  Men  began  to  be 
Practifed  on.  The  Learned,  Pious,  Peaceable  Mr.  Morton 
for  That !  And  Mr.  Mather  flood  fair,  for  that  from  which 
he  thought  he  had  been  Delivered. 

In  this  Time,  you  may  be  fure,  Mr.  Mather  had  not  for- 
got his  Old  Stroke.  I  find  him  ftill  at  Prayer  as  much  as  ever : 
And  ftill  under  the  like  Impreffions !  Take  a  Touch  or 
two.  As  1687.  was  coming  on,  I  find  him  Writing,  on  one 
Day,  thus.  After  I  came  home  from  the  Public  Labours  of 
the  Lords  Day,  as  I  was  alone  in  my  Study  Praying  for 
Good  Tidings  out  of  England,  /  was  Exceedingly  Melted 
before  the  Lord.  On  another  Day,  thus.  I  fought  unto 
GOD  in  Secret  with  Tears,  that  He  would  fend  Reviving 
News  out  of  England  :  And  /  could  not  but  Believe  that  He 
will  dofo.  He  had  them  Immediately. 


ARTICLE    XXIV. 

Whitehall,  after  many  Ob/lrut~lions  Repair  d  unto. 

[HE  King  in  the  beginning  of  that  Year,  [Juft  Three 

Years  &  an  Half,  after  ]   Published  his, 

Declaration  of  Indulgence ;  which  the  Protejlant 
Diffenters  had  abundance  of  Reafon  to  be  Thank- 
ful for ;  inafmuch  as  it  brought  them  out  of  their  Graves : 
And  if  it  affumed  an  Illegal  Power  of  Difpenfeng  with 
Laws,  yet  in  Relation  to  Them,  it  only  Difpenfed  with  the 
Execution  of  fuch  Infamous  Laws  as  were  ipfo  facto  Null 
and  Void  before :  Laws  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  GOD, 

and 
(125) 


[6] 

and  the  Rights  and  Claims  of  Humane  Nature.  Be  fure, 
the  New-EngliJJi  Proteftants,  found  the  Benefit  of  the  Dec- 
laration; for  it  refcued  the  Maligned  Churches  of  New- 
England  o\&  of  a  Devourers  Talons,  when  he  was  juft  on 
the  point  making  many  Violent  Invafions  upon  them.  The 
Minifters  hereupon  at  Mr.  Mathers  motion,  made  an  Addrefs 
of  Thanks  to  the  King,  for  the  Benefit  which  they  enjoy 'd 
by  his  Declaration  ;  and  it  Proved  a  confiderable  Service  to 
the  Country.  But  then  he  Moved,  that  the  Churches,  as 
well  as  their  Paftors,  might  come  into  fuch  an  Action ; 
which  alfo  was  readily  complied  withal.  The  Adverfary 
was  enough  Enraged  at  thefe  things ;  And  when  the 
Minifters  of  Bofton  agreed  with  their  Congregations  upon 
keeping  a  Day  of  Thankfgiving  to  Heaven,  for  the  Shelter 
which  their  Brethren  as  well  as  themfelves  found  by  the 
Declaration^  Sr.  Edmond  Andros  with  many  Menaces  for- 
bad their  Proceedings,  and  Particularly  threatned  that  he 
would  fet  Guards  of  Souldiers  on  their  Church-Doors,  if  they 
Attempted  what  they  Pretended  to. 

The  Superiour  Gentlemen  in  the  Oppreffed  Country, 
thought,  that  a  Well-qualified  Perfon,  going  over  with  the 
Addreffes  of  the  Churches  to  the  King,  might,  by  the  Help 
of  fuch  Protejlant  Diffenters  as  the  King  began  upon 
Political  Views  to  caft  a  fair  Afpecl;  upon,  Obtain  fome 
Relief  to  the  Growing  Diftreffes  of  the  Country ;  And  Mr. 
Mather  was  the  Perfon  that  was  pitch'd  upon.  Being  in 
Diftrefs  about  this  Important  Affair,  he  did  as  he  ufe  to  do. 
In  the  Day  of  Prayer  which  he  kept  upon  it,  he  put  it 
upon  this  Iffue ;  That  he  might  know  the  JDircftion  of  the 
Glorious  GOD,  by  the  Inclinations  of  the  Church  he 
belong'd  unto,  when  the  matter  of  his  going  for  England, 
mould  be  Propofed  unto  them.  The  next  Day,  the  matter 
was  propofed  unto  the  Church ;  and  he  faid  unto  them,  If 
you  fay  to  me,  Stay,  /  will  Stay :  But  if  you  fay  to  me,  Go, 

/  will 
(126) 


[7] 

/  will  cajl  my f elf  on  the  Providence  of  GOD,  and  in  His 
Name  I  will  go.  I  know  not  how  to  difcern  the  Mind  of 
GOD,  but  by  yoiir  Inclinations.  To  his  Wonderment, 
They  that  at  another  time  would  have  almoft  affoon  parted 
with  their  Eyes  as  have  parted  with  him  now  were  willing 
to  it;  They  Unanimoujly  Confented.  They  Feard  what 
would  quickly  be  done  by  Bloody  and  Crafty  Men,  if  he  did 
not  in  this  Honourable  way  get  unto  fome  Diftance  from 
them.  And  they  Hop'd  that  he  might  be  an  Infl rument  of 
fome  Deliverance  for  a  Land  like  to  be  Defolate  and  Over- 
thrown by  Strangers.  What  mould  be  made  of  the  Politi- 
cal Views  in  the  Court  at  this  Time,  Who  can  fay  ?  Upon 
the  Numbring  of  the  People,  it  was  then  Reckoned,  there 
were  about  One  and  Thirty  Hundred  Thousand  which  at 
Prefent  ProfeJJed  Adherence  to  the  EJlablifhed  Church: 
About  Eleven  Hundred  Thoufand,  Proteftant  Non  Con- 
formi/ls,  of  feveral  Denominations;  And  about  Ninety 
Thousand  (if  fo  many)  Roman-Catholicks.  Though  the 
Non-Conformifts  might  for  a  while  fly  to  a  Tree  that  gave 
them  fome  Shelter  from  their  Idum&an  Unreafonable  Per- 
fecutors,  yet  they  were  Difcrete  and  Honeft  enough  to  have 
kept  their  Stops ;  and  it  could  never  enter  into  the  Kings 
Mind,  that  they  would  go  fo  far  as  to  Affift  the  Roman- 
Catholicks  in  gaining  the  Power,  with  Forreign  Aids,  to 
Devour  them  all.  Nor  could  it  enter  into  Their  Mind,  that 
a  King,  whofe  Sword  was  Steel,  his  GOD  was  but  a  Wafer, 
and  who  could  not  keep  in  any  Terms  with  the  Church 
whereof  he  was  but  a  Vaffal,  if  he  did  not  ajjbon  as  he 
could,  Order  all  that  would  not  Worfhip  his  Idol  to  be 
thrown  into  the  Fiery  Furnace,  could  be  their  Hearty 
Friend,  or  could  long  forbear  to  Harafs  them  with  Perfidi- 
ous, and  Barbarous,  and  Inhumane  Cruelties.  Indeed,  I 
know  to  whom  it  was,  that  King  James  in  a  Private  Confer- 
ence, Expreffed  an  Horror  of  the  French  Kings  Horrid 

Cruelties, 
(127) 


[8] 


Cruelties,  and  faid,  /  Wonder  wJtat  Almighty  GOD  will  do 
to  him  !  Neverthelefs,  was  not  King  James  too  a  Roman 
Catholic  ?  He  was  a  Son  of  the  Church,  and  he  muft  Obey  ! 
Or,  What  better  was  the  State  of  the  Proteftants  in  Ireland, 
under  Him  than  that  of  the  Hugonots  in  France,  under  his 
Brother  ? 

But  yet,  Mr.  Mather  might  hope  at  leaf!  for  fome  Tempo- 
rary Advantages  for  his  Country,  and  fuch  as  might  be 
worth  feeking  for,  from  the  Prefent  Pojlure  of  Affairs. 

Let  it  not  be  cavilled,  That  he  was  now  going,  Extra 
Theologies  Sphczram.  A  Public  Diftrefs,  a  Common  Dan- 
ger, is  enough  to  Legitimate  his  Lifting  for  the  Service. 
Yea,  The  Life  of  Churches  was  now  at  Stake.  Churches 
were  to  be  Served.  —  New-England  knows  how  to  take  its 
Minifters  upon  occafion,  &  ufe  them  as  Inftruments  of  doing 
what  none  elfe  could  have  done.,  to  ferve  its  Interefts.  Yea, 
an  Eminent  Writer  Propounds  it,  That  the  Reformed 
Churches  ought  always  to  have  fome  or  other  of  their  Min- 
ifters, refident  in  the  Courts  of  Princes,  that  fo  their  Inter- 
efts  may  not  Suffer,  but  be  Preferved  and  Promoted  there. 

A  fort  of  Panic  Terror  fell  now  upon  the  Adverfary.  Some- 
thing muft  be  done  to  flop  the  Intended  Voyage.  Randolph 
muft  be  the  Tool.  A  Copy  of  his  Forged  Letter?1  being 
fent  over  hither,  Mr.  Mather  in  a  Letter  to  the  Perfon  that 
received  it,  Intimated  fome  Reafons  he  had  for  a  Sufpicion 
that  Randolph  (with  a  Brother  of  his)  might  be  one  Author 
of  the  Forgery.  Tho'  the  Villian  knew  himfelf  to  be  fo, 
and  his  Good  Fame  was  not  worth  half  a  Farthing ;  yet  he 

now 

81  The  matter  of  the  forged  letter  be  no  neceflity  to  repeat  the  details, 

purporting  to  be  written   by  Mather,  Briefly,  Mather  attributed  the  forgery 

and  by  him  attributed  to  Randolph,  is  to  Randolph,  and  was  fued  by  the  lat- 

fully  difcufled  in  the  Mather  Papers,  ter.     The   papers  relating  to  the   fuit 

Mafs.   Hift.  Soc.   Coll.  4th  Ser.   viii.  are  printed  in  the  volume  laft  cited, 

108-109.     As    it  does    not    efpecially  pp.  702-704. 
concern  the  main  ftory,  there  feems  to 

(128) 


[9] 

now  Arrefted  Mr.  Mather  in  an  AElion  of  Defamation^  and 
Five  Hundred  Pounds  Damage.  And  it  was  a  thing  little 
fhort  of  Miraculous,  that  confidering  the  Tricks  and  Frauds, 
wherewith  every  thing  was  then  Managed,  the  Point  was 
not  gained.  But  the  Good  Old  way  was  taken ;  much 
Prayer  was  made  unto  the  Glorious  Lord  from  whom  every 
Man  has  his  Judgment:  and  the  Day  whereon  the  Court 
fat,  was  a  Day  of  Prayer  with  fome  Societies  of  Chriftians, 
for  a  Good  Iffue  of  the  Perplexing  matter.  Behold,  The 
whole  Jury  cleared  Mr.  Mather,  and  ordered  the  Plaintiff 
to  Pay  Co/Is  of  Court. 

Mr.  Mather went  on  with  his  Preparations  for  his  Voyage; 
and  had  his  Mind  more  and  more  Irradiated  with  a  Strong 
Perfwafion,  That  GOD  would  give  him  to  find  Things  in 
England,  infuch  a  State,  as  that  hefhould  have  an  Oppor- 
tunity to  do  Special  Service  for  His  People  here.  Yea,  he 
went  fo  far  in  it,  as  to  Write  thefe  Marvellous  Words  upon 
it ;  —  /  know,  it  will  be  fo ;  For  Thou,  O  Lord  GOD,  haft 
told  me,  that  it  will  befo  !  And  the  Truth  is,  If  he  had  not 
had  fome  fuch  Faith  as  this,  to  have  Infpired  him  with  an 
uncommon  Courage,  a  Perfon  of  his  Prudence  would  never 
have  Expofed  himfelf,  as  he  did  on  a  Thoufand  Accounts  in 
his  prefent  Undertaking. 

He  waited  on  Sr.  Edmond  Androfs,  the  Governour  and 
Oppreffor  of  New-England ;  and  acquainted  him,  That  he 
defigned  a  Voyage  for  London.  He  alfo  gave  the  Country 
notice  of  his  Voyage,  in  a  Sermon  at  the  Great  Lecture ;  on 
Exod.  XXXIII.  15.  If  thy  Prefence go  not  with  us,  carry 
us  not  up  from  hence.  Hereupon  Randolph  again,  Affifted 
by  one  'Pothecary  Bullivant,  a  Memorable  Juftice  [and 
fomething  elfe  /]  Privately  fent  an  Officer  to  Arrefl  him  once 
more  (fuch  the  Equity  of  thofe  Times  /)  upon  the  former 
Aflion  of  Defamation.  But  it  fell  out,  that  he  was  juflthen 
under  the  Operation  of  a  more  wholefome  Phyjic,  than  what 

that 

Q  (129) 


[10] 

that  ''Pothecary  had  fent  him ;  and  fo  the  Officer  was  Igno 
rantly  denied  Admittance.  The  'Pothecary  as  Ignorantly 
reported,  That  Mr.  Mather  was  Arrefted  ;  and  the  Report 
flying  like  Lightening  about  the  Solicitous  Town,  it  foon 
reached  Mr.  Mathers  Ears ;  who  then  kept  upon  his 
Guard. 

Of  Randolph,  I  faid  a  good  while  ago,  That  I  Jhoidd 
have  a  farther  Occajlon  to  mention  Mm.  I  have  now  done 
it ;  And  that  I  may  never  mention  him  any  more,  I  will 
here  take  my  Eternal  Farewell  of  him,  with  Relating,  That 
he  proved  a  Blafted  Wretch,  followed  with  a  fenfible  C2irfe 
of  GOD  wherever  he  came ;  Defpifed,  Abhorred,  Unprof- 
perous ;  Anon  he  Died  in  Virginia,  and  in  fuch  Miferable 
Circumftances,  that  (as  it  is  faid)  he  had  only  Two  or  Three 
Negro  s  to  carry  him  unto  his  Grave. 

Mr.  Mather  withdrew  Privately  from  his  Houfe,  in  a 
Changed  Habit,  unto  the  Houfe  of  Colonel  Philips  in 
Chart/lawn;  In  which  withdraw,  it  is  Remarkable,  That 
a  Wicked  Fellow,  whofe  Name  was  Thurton,  and  who  was 
placed  as  an  under-Sheriff,  to  Watch  him,  and  Seize  him,  if 
he  ftir'd  abroad  now  faw  him  and  knew  him,  and  yet  found 
himfelf  ftruck  with  fuch  an  Enfeebling  Terror,  that  he  had 
no  power  to  meddle  with  him.  From  thence,  he  was  by 
certain  well-difpofed  Young  Men  of  his  Flock,  tranfported 
unto  Winnejimmet ;  And  from  thence,  he  went  aboard  a 
Ketch,  which  lay  ready  to  affift  his  Voyage :  From  which 
he  was  on  Apr.  7.  1688.  gladly  received  aboard  the  Ship 
(called,  The  Prcejident^)  on  which  he  had  at  find  Shipped 
himfelf,  and  fo  bore  away  for  England. 

After  the  Ship  had  made  the  Land,  in  a  Foggy  Day,  they 
narrowly  efcaped  Perifhing  among  the  Rocks  of  Silly.  And 
fome  very  Wicked  Fifhermen  of  St.  Ives  alfo  after  7/fo/gave 
them  falfe  Advice,  on  purpofe  to  have  Shipwreck'd  'em ; 

which 
(130) 


[II] 

which  they  again  Efcaped  by  Mr.  Mathers  taking  one  of 
the  Sharks  afide,  and  hiring  him  with  Four  Half  Crowns  to 
tell  the  Truth.  But  on  May  6.  a  Weymouth  Boat  coming  by 
the  Ship,  he  (with  his  Youngeft  Son  whom  he  carried  over 
with  him)  went  afhore,  at  Weymouth,  which  was  the  laft 
Town  he  had  Lodged  in,  when  he  left  England,  Seven  and 
Twenty  Years  before  ;  And  he  had  the  Satisfaction,  which 
he  had  Exceedingly  defired,  of  feeing  his  old  Friends  yet 
Surviving  in  Dorfet-Jhire,  who  now  received  him  with  the 
Greateft  Joy  Imaginable,  and  even  as  an  Angel  of  GOD. 


ARTICLE     XXV. 
An  Admijfion  into  the  Clofet  of  K.  James  //. 

UT  Mr.  Mather,  willing  to  lofe  no  Time,  haftened 
up  to  London,  where  he  arrived,  May.  25.  1688. 
And  he  found  Things  infuch  aftate,  as  that  he 
had  Opportunity  to  do  Special  Service  for  his 
People ;  Even  beyond  what  he  could  have  Imagined.  An 
Eminent  Perfon  often  at  Court,  Informed  King  James,  of 
his  coming  with  Addreffes  to  His  Majefty  from  New-Eng- 
land: And  upon  May  30  which  was  the  Time  the  King  had 
ordered  for  it,  he  attended  on  his  Majefly,  in  the  long  Gal- 
lery at  Whitehall.  Offering  to  kneel,  the  King  forbad  that 
Pofture  to  him:  whereupon  Prefenting  the  Addrefs,32  he 

faid, 

32  Thefe  addrefles    were    probably     To  the  Kings  Moft  Excellent  Majejly. 
the   following,  which   we  reprint  from 

Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Sen  viii.  pp.     The  Humble  Addrefs  of  many  Congre- 
697-698  :  —  gations  m  New  [England.] 

SIR,  —  That  princely  Goodnefs  and 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  CONGREGATIONS  bounty  which  did  adorn  one  of  your 
IN  NEW  ENGLAND  TO  KING  JAMES  Roya[l  Anjceftors,  caufed  his  fubjefts 
1 1.  to  honour  him  with  the  Glorious  Title 

of 
(130 


[12] 


faid,   Syr,    Your  Majefties  moft  Loyal  Subjects  in  New- 
England,  with  all  PoJJible  Veneration,  Prefent  this  Addrefs 

of 


of  the  poor  m[an's]  King.  And  it  is 
mentioned  as  the  Chief  Glory  of  a 
Great  King  in  Ifrael  (in  t[hat]  refem- 
bling  the  King  of  Kings)  that  Hee 
mould  deliver  the  needy,  fpare  the 
poor,  and  redeem  them  from  violence. 
This  hath  your  Majefty  done  by  your 
Late  Gracious  declaration  for  Liberty 
of  Confcience,  which  is  Come  down  on 
your  fubjeclis  like  rain  on  the  mowen 
Grass.  Therein  you  aflure  them  that 
they  mall  bee  maintained  in  all  their 
properties  and  pofleffions  ;  and  Confirm 
unto  them  the  free  exercife  of  their  Re- 
ligion. Wee  know  your  Majeftyes 
pleafure  is,  that  your  Indulgence  mould 
extend  to  thefe  utmoft  Ends  of  the 
Earth,  fince  you  have  Commanded  it 
to  bee  proclaimed  in  this  part  of  Your 
Dominions.  As  men,  our  Civil  prop- 
erties and  pofleffions  are  dear  unto  us, 
butt  much  more  our  Religion,  as  wee 
are  Chriftians.  Your  Majefty  having 
declared  that  no  difturbance  of  any 
kind  fhall  bee  given  to  us  therein,  Wee 
mould  render  ourfelves  moft  unworthy, 
if  wee  do  not  accept  fuch  Royal  Grace 
fo  Generoufly  Exprefled,  with  all  hum- 
ble thankfulnefs  to  God  and  the  King. 
And  Your  Majefty  having  promifed  that 
this  Liberty  mail  Continue  during  your 
Reign  over  us ;  as  the  Scripture  has 
made  it  our  duty,  fo  your  Majefty  has 
made  it  our  Intereft  to  pray  that  your 
Reign  may  bee  long,  and  profperous. 
Lett  the  King  live  forever.  Thus  do 
wee,  with  all  poffible  Teftimonies  of  the 
Higheft  Gratitude,  Subfcribe  ourfelves 

Dread  Soveraign, 

Your  moft  Loyal  and  Obedient  Subjects. 

In  the  Name  of  many  Congregations 
in  Your  Majeftyes  Territory  and  Do- 
minion of  New  England. 


ADDRESS    OF   THE    CONGREGATIONS 
IN  N.  E.  TO  JAMES  II.     1687. 

To  the  King's  Mojl  Excellent  Majejly. 

The  humble  addrefs  of  the  Congrega- 
tions in  N.  E. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  MAJESTY, 
—  Since  the  beams  of  your  Royall 
Clemency  have  bin  fo  vaftly  influen- 
tiall,  as  to  communicate  their  light  and 
warmth  to  this  remote  corner  of  the 
earth,  and  your  Goodnefs  (no  l[efs 
fp]lendid  than  your  Greatnefs)  hath 
amplified  itfelf  fo  farre  as  to  compre- 
hend your  poor  and  defpicable  fubjecls, 
at  fo  great  a  diftance  as  N.  E.  within 
the  compafs  of  your  gracious  declara- 
tion, in  which  we  have  aflured  fecurity 
of  the  continuance  of  our  Liberty  of 
Confcience  in  the  worfhip  of  God,  and 
peaceable  enjoyment  of  our  properties 
and  pofleffions,  than  which  nothing  can 
be  dearer  to  us  in  this  world,  and  not 
only  fo,  but  you  have  alfo  (by  giving 
particular  order  for  the  proclaiming  of 
this  your  Kingly  Indulgence  among  vs) 
made  us  fenfible,  as  of  the  well  inten- 
tions to  grafp  us  within  it,  fo  of  a  fpe- 
ciall  care  you  have  entertained  for  vs  : 
It  would  argue  us  far  more  degenerate 
and  brutifh  than  the  Barbarous  Na- 
tives wee  converfe  among,  mould  wee 
not  with  greateft  thankfulnefs,  exprefle 
our  deep  refentment  of  fuch  an  immu- 
nity, which  (next  under  God)  wee  are 
properly  beholden  to  your  Majefty  for. 
Deign  then,  Great  Sir,  to  fill  vp  your 
already  fuperlative  goodnefs,  to  caft  a 
benign  ey  upon  thefe  our  beft  expref- 
fions  of  reall  gratitude,  who,  (having 
nothing  elfe  to  fignalize  it  by)  refolve, 
by  our  earneft  wifhes  and  hearty  pray- 
ers, to  do  our  utmoft  to  obtein  that 

your 


[13] 


of  Thanks  to  Your  Majefty,  for  Your  mojl  Gracious  Decla- 
ration of  Indulgence  unto  them  and  their  Brethren.  The 
King  replied,  Read  it,  Syr ;  which  he  did,  and  added  the 
Number  of  the  Minifters  who  had  Subfcribed  it,  in  the 
Name  of  their  feveral  Congregations.  The  King  then 
received  it  out  of  his  Hand,  and  faid,  /  am  glad  my  Sub- 
jects in  New-England  are  fenjible  of  any  Eafe  and  Benefit 
by  my  Declaration :  And  it  JJiall  Continue.  I  hope,  by 
a  Parliament  to  Obtain  a  Magna  Charta  for  Liberty  of 
Confcience.  He  then  Prefented  an  Addrefs  to  the  King 
from  Plymouth;™  to  which  His  Majefty  replied,  /  kindly 

accept 

your  reign  may  bee  long,  peaceable  and 
fuccesfull,  joyning  hereto  our  utmoft 
endeauors  fo  to  demean  ourfelves  in  all 
things,  as  to  make  it  manifeftly  appeare 
that  wee  are,  as  wee  profefs  ourfelves 

Sir, 
Your  Majeflie's  moft  Loyall  and 

moft  obedient  fubjefts.* 


[Suppofe  in  Oftober  or  November,  1687. 
—  PRINCE.] 

33  The  Plymouth  Addrefs  is  prob- 
ably the  one,  of  which  we  have  the  fol- 
lowing fragment  in  Mafs.  Archives, 
Political,  vol.  cvi.  p.  371  :  — 

"  Renew  our  humble  prayers  and  fup- 
plication  to  our  Lord  the  King  that 
you  may  gracioufly  be  pleafed  to  give 
your  order  for  a  bill  to  be  prepared  for 
your  Royall  Signett  to  pane  the  great 
Scale  for  the  granting  etc.  as  hath  been 
formerly  petitioned  for.  As  foon  as 
your  Majefty  more  weightly  concernes 
may  give  admittance  thereto,  and  with 
as  much  eafe  as  to  your  charge  thereof 
as  may  be,  confidering  our  great  pov- 
erty partly  be  the  barrennes  of  moft  of 
our  Lands,  late  blaftings  and  mildewes 

*  This  addrefs  is  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Willard. 


on  our  principal  grains  and  the  great 
desolations  made  upon  many  of  our 
howfes  by  the  barbarous  Indians  ;  this 
Colony  being  the  firft  feat  of  that  cruell 
warr  and  as  it  was  our  defign  notwith- 
ftanding  the  propofalls  annexed  to  our 
former  petition  and  addrefs  containing 
the  heads  of  what  wee  cheifly  defired 
to  be  granted,  yet  humbly  fubmitt 
ourfelves  and  propofalls  to  your  Maj- 
eftys  good  pleafure.  So  wee  defire  ftill 
to  fubmitt  thofe  propofalls  of  our  defires 
to  your  Majeftys  Regulation  as  you 
mail  fee  fitt  for  us  :  hoping  to  find  grace 
in  your  fight  efpecially  as  to  our  relig- 
ious libertyes,  that  under  your  Royall 
favour  and  protection  as  we  have,  fo 
wee  may,  with  peaceable  and  loyall 
minds  have  the  liberty  of  our  Con- 
fciences  in  the  publick  worfhipe  of  God 
according  to  Scripture,  patern  and  gof- 
pell  order  ;  which  according  to  our  beft 
light  and  the  generall  profeffion  here  is 
the  Congregationall  way :  and  therein 
onely  differing  from  our  orthodox  breth- 
ren of  the  Church  of  England,  agree- 
ing with  them  and  other  the  reformed . 
Churches  in  their  profeflion  of  the  Doc- 
trinall  points  of  Religion :  to  enjoy 
which  liberty  without  ofFenfe  to  thofe 
worthy  perfons  who  were  otherwife 

minded. 


(133) 


accept  of  this  Addrefs  alfo,  and  I  fay  again,  as  I  faid 
before  ;  You  Jhall  have  a  Magna  Charta  for  Liberty  of 
Confcience. 

Two  Days  after  this,  Mr.  Mather  was  Admitted  into  the 
Kings  Clofet  ;  and  there  faid  unto  him  :  Syr,  Your  Majef- 
ties  moft  Loyal  Subjects  in  New-England,  think,  they  can 
never  be  Sufficiently  Thankful  to  GOD,  and  to  Your  Majejly, 
for  the  Benefit  they  have  received  by  Your  mcjl  Gracious 
Declaration  of  Indulgence.  The  King  Replied;  I  am  fur  e, 
they  that  are  truly  Confcientious,  are  P  leafed  with  my  Dec- 
laration ;  As  for  thofe  that  are  not  fatisfied  with  it,  they 
are  Men  that  have  little  Dejigns  of  their 
own  .  an(£  tkeir  Tricks  are  well  known  to 

,7        Trr      ,,        T  /•        T  -u      ,         r    ^ 

t*f  World.  I  was  for  Liberty  of  Con- 
fcience  before  I  was  King  :  And  I  Thank 
GODs  that  ftnce  I  was  King  I  have  been 
able  in  that  matter  to  give  fome  eafe  unto  my 

Subjects. 


[LIBERTY  OF 

CONSCIENCE! 

Can  the  Ethiopian 
ChangehisSkin,or 


minded.  And  that  under  the  protection 
of  their  Majefties  fervice  Mr  Jofiah 
Winflow  then  Governour  fent  over  by 
the  hand  of  the  noble  Lord  Culpep- 
per  in  the  year  1680  and  intrufted  with 
the  Honourable  Wm.  Blathwayt,  Efq., 
whom  wee  intrufted  to  give  himfelf  the 
trouble  to  manage  this  weighty  concern, 
yet  that  wee  might  not  be  thought  to 
negle6l  your  Majefty  wee  did  the  year 
following  imploy  one  of  our  Magif- 
trates,  Mr  James  Cudworth  to  wait 
upon  your  Majefty  according  to  fuch 
directions  and  affiftance  as  hee  might 
receive  from  Mr  Blathwayt.  —  But  it 
pleafed  God  to  take  him  away  to  death, 
foon  after  his  arrivall  at  London,  before 
he  could  have  that  happines  of  that 
opportunity  for  us.  And  tho.  wee 
doubt  not  of  Mr  Blathwayt's  faithfull- 
nes  and  care  according  to  the  truft  we 


repofed  in  him,  and  the  affiftance  there- 
of which  hee  was  pleafed  lovingly  to 
give  us  in  his  ftation  and  that  good 
character  was  hence  received  of  him, 
yet  partly  by  your  Majeftys  more 
weighty  concernes  and  his  own,  and 
partly  by  miflaying  the  copy  of  our 
former  patent  fent  over  by  Governor 
Winflow,  fo  it  is  that  we  have  received 
no  further  anfwere  of  our  humble  peti- 
tion  and  defire  than  that  fome  hopefull 
progrefte  hath  been  made  in  the  bufi- 
nefs  of  our  patent,  and  that  your  Gra- 
cious  Majefty  and  your  Honourable 
Councill  have  a  good  opinion  of  our 
Loyalty,  for  which  wee  defire  to  be 
thankfull  to  you  and  your  Majeftys 
Council,  and  truft  thro'  divine  affiftance 
that  wee  mall  never  forfeit.  And  now 
having  fent  over  another  true  copy 
of  our  former  patent  and  contemplating 

not 


(134) 


Subjects.  He  then  faid  unto  the  King  ;  Syr,  Your  Subjects 
in  New-England  are  a  People  that  were  Perfecuted  thither 
on  the  meer  Account  of  Religion.  Inasmuch  as  Your  Maj- 
efty  has  Delivered  them  from  the  Fear  of  a  future  Perfecu- 
tion,  they  are  Transported  with  Joy  ;  and  there  are  great 
Numbers,  Dejirous  that  IJJwuld  report  their  Dutiful  Affec- 
tion unto  your  Majefty.  The  King  thereupon  afked  him, 
whether  Sr.  Edmond  Andros  gave  good  Satisfaction  to  his 
Subjects  there. 

The  Dialogue  went  on  in  thefe  Terms. 

JHat^Ct*  Syr,  If  he  would  but  duely  attend  to  Your 
Majejlies  Declaration,  the  People  there  would  be  better 
Satisfied. 

KING.  Does  he  not  do  That? 


There  have  been  fome  of  Your  Subjefls  Fined  and 
Imprifoned,  becaufe  from  a  Tendernefs  of  Confcience  they 
Scrupled,  Swearing  by  the  Book.  I  brought  an  Address  of 
Thanks  to  Your  Majejly,  from  a  Number  of  our  Congrega- 
tions. I  believe  all  the  Congregations  in  the  Country  would 
have  Concurred  in  the  Addrefs,  had  not  the  Mini/lers  been 
Difcouraged  by  Sr.  Edmond  Andros,  who  in  a  menacing 
way,  bid  them,  have  a  Care  what  they  did ;  And  One  of  the 
Council  with  him  there  told  us,  wejhould  make  no  Addreffes 
to  the  King  without  their  Leave.  The  Mini/lers  of  Bofton 
propofed  unto  their  Congregations,  that  they  might  keep 
a  Day  of  Thankfgiving,  to  Blefs  GOD  for  what  they  have 

enjoy  d 

not  only  the  gracious  affurance  given  your  moft  gracious   and   unparalleled 

under  your  Royall  hand  of  your  con-  condifcention    above    mentioned    wee 

tinuance  and  enlargement  of  our  lib-  have  found  in  our  hearts  to  " 

ertys  both  civil  and  religious,  but  alfo  [Here  the  MS.  breaks  off.] 

(135) 


enjoy1  d  by  Your  Majefties  Declaration.  But  he  fent  for 
them,  and  bid  them  keep  the  Day  at  their  Peril,  and  ajjiired 
them,  that  if  they  did,  he  would  clap  a  Guard  on  their  Per- 
fons  and  their  Churches  too ;  fo  that  the  intended  Thanf- 
giving  was  Diverted. 

KING.  I  wonder  at  it;  For  in  other  Plantations,  the 
Governours  themfelves  have  fent  me  Thanks  for  my  Decla- 
ration. 


All  the  Hope  under  GOD,  that  yoiir  Svbjefts  in 
New-England  have,  is  in  Your  Majejly.  They  cannot  but 
hope,  that  the  Great  GOD  in  whofe  Hand  is  the  Heart  of 
Kings,  will  incline  Your  Royal  Heart  to  relieve  them,  when 
once  you  Jhall  truly  and  fully  be  Informed  how  it  is  with 
them. 

KING,  \_who  feem'd  Pleas  d,~\  No  Man  mail  be  more 
ready  to  relieve  them  then  I  will  be.  Do  you  therefore 
bring  to  me  in  Writing,  the  things  which  Trouble  you. 

Upon  this,  Mr.  Mather  kneeled,  and  the  King  Offering 
his  hand  unto  him,  he  Kiffed  it ;  and  for  this  Time  took  his 
Leave. 

Mr.  Mather  Immediately  got  ready,  not  only  a  Memorial 
of  the  Grievances  which  filled  his  Country  with  the  Cry  of 
the  Opprejfed,  but  alfo  a  Petition 34  for  a  Redrefs  of  them,  in 

feveral 

34  As  to  this  Memorial  and  Petition          Condition  of  the  Dijfenters  of  Neiv- 
we  find  two  fets  of  papers  anfwering          England. 
to  the  defcription  in  Mafs.   Hift.  Soc. 

Coll.  4th  Ser.  vol.  viii.  pp.  699-702,  and          That  your  Majeftys  Subjects  there 

pp.  113-115.     They  are  as  follows  :  —  diffenting  from  the  Church  of  England 

are  by  much  the  greateft  and  wealthieft 

MEMORIAL  OF  THE  DISSENTERS  OF  Part,  and  were  the  Firft  of  any  of  your 

NEW  ENGLAND.  Majefty's  Plantations,  that  Proclaimed 

re,  ,.™n>T,,,        T*QC       T>T>T.  r.~i     y°ur  Majefty  their  True  and   Lawfull 
Ibuppoie  June  i.  looo.  —  FRINGE.]     t          •          -ru  ..       *    -».i  .n.     j-       ^ 

J     Soveraign.     That  notwithftandmg  they 

An  Humble  Memoriall  of  the  prefent    happily  flourifhed  under  their  former 

Goverment, 
(136) 


feveral  Propofed  In/lances.     Indeed,  he  could  not  now  pro- 
pofe  the  Reftoration  of  the  Condemned  &  Vacated  Charter ; 

But 


Government,  yet  upon  your  Majefty's 
Commands,  they  cherefully  Submitted 
to  the  prefent  Form  of  a  Generall  Gov- 
ernor. 

Yet  fuch  has  bin  and  ftill  is  the 
Artifice  of  fome  who  belong  to  the 
Church  of  Englands  Party  to  traduce 
the  moft  peaceable  and  Confciencious 
Men  as  Seditious  and  difaffected  to 
Royall  Goverment. 

And  fuch  is  the  prefent  Cafe  of  your 
Majefty's  DifTenting  Subjects  in  this 
your  Plantation. 

For  that  they  are  not  fuifered  to  fett 
apart  Days  of  Prayer  and  Thankfgiv- 
ing:  no,  not  even  for  the  Bleffing  of 
your  Gracious  Declaration  for  Liberty 
of  Confcience,  Nor  were  the  People 
there  Encouraged  to  make  humble  Ad- 
drefles  pf  Thanks,  but  the  Contrary. 

That  the  Service  of  the  Church  of 
England  has  bin  forced  into  their  Meete- 
ing  Houfes. 

That  there  have  bin  threatnings  to 
punifh  any  Man  that  mould  give  to  the 
value  of  Two  pence  to  maintaine  a  Non- 
conformift  Minifter. 

That  they  have  bin  fined  and  Im- 
prifoned  becaufe  they  were  Scrupelous 
of  Swearing,  otherwife  then  according 
to  the  Ancient  Cuftome  of  this  your 
Majefty's  Plantation,  by  Lifting  up 
their  Hands  to  heaven  and  not  by  the 
Booke. 

That  the  Diflenters  Lands  there  are 
Meafur'd  out,  and  given  to  fuch  as  are 
for  the  Church  of  England,  and  others 
denyed  Liberty  to  improve  their  Prop- 
erty. 

That  whole  Towns,  to  the  Ruine  of 
many  hundreds  of  Familyes,  are  now 
vnder  expectation  of  having  their  Lands 
feized,  vnlefie  they  give  money  to  Re- 
purchafe  them. 


That  they  are  under  great  Fears 
and  Difcouragements,  being  told  by 
fom  in  Goverment  that  they  are  no 
better  then  Slaves,  that  they  have  no 
Title  to  Property  or  Englim  Privi- 
lidges,  and  they  are  treated  accord- 
ingly. 

Some  being  Imprifoned  without 
Afligning  any  Cause,  and  others  forc'd 
to  pay  fuch  Fines  as  inferior  Officers 
pleafe  to  extort  from  them. 

[A  paragraph  erafed.~\ 

That  it  is  commonly  difcourfed  that 
the  College  built  by  Non-Conformifts 
in  New  England  mail  be  taken  from 
them,  and  put  into  the  hands  of  fuch 
as  are  of  the  Church  of  England.* 


PETITION  OF  INCREASE  MATHER  AND 
OTHERS  TO  KING  JAMES  II. 

To  the  Kings  Mojl  Excellent  Majesty. 

The  humble  Petition  of  Increafe  Ma- 
ther, Samuel  Nowell,  and  Elifha 
Hutchinfon,  on  behalfe  of  them- 
felues  and  many  of  your  Majeftys 
Loiall  Subjects  in  New  England, 

Humbly  Sheweth 

That  fince  the  diffolution  of  the  late 
Government  there,  many  inconven- 
iences have  and  will  attend  your  Peti- 
tioners, unlefle  relieved  therein  by  your 
Majefty,  in  order  whereunto  they  hum- 
bly propofe  to  your  Majeftys  Confider- 
alion  the  heads  in  the  Paper  annexed, 
which  if  your  Majefty  mail  vouchfafe  to 
Grant  and  confirme  to  them,  will  (as 
your  Petitioners  humbly  conceive)  be 
for  your  Majeftys  Intereft,  and  an  effec- 

tuall 

*  The  laft  paragraph  is  in  the  handwriting  of 
Increafe  Mather. 


(137) 


But  he  did  Propofe  (what  the  King  himfelf  had  Inftru6led 
him  to  call,  a  MAGNA  CHARTA,  for  an  Everlafling  Lib- 
erty 


tuall  meanes  for  the  fettlement  of  that 
your  Colony. 

And  therefore  they  humbly  pray  and 
hope  that  your  Majefty  will,  out  of  your 
great  Grace,  give  fuch  fpeedy  Orders 
therein  as  will  be  for  your  Petitioners 
reliefe. 

And  your  petitioners,  etc  : 

[April  6,  1688.  Mr.  Increafe  Mather  goes 
for  England. 

May  30.  Has  his  ift  audience  of  King 
James  II,  in  private  ;  and  June  I.  his 
ad  audience.  And  I  fuppofe  on  July 
2,  1688,  prefents  this  Petition  to  King 
James  2d,  as  it  feems  by  Dr.  C.  Ma- 
ther's Life  of  his  Father.  —  PRINCE.] 


[The  following  paper  is  placed  in  the  col- 
lection of  manufcripts  immediately 
after  this  petition,  and  is  probably 
"the  Paper  annexed,"  referred  to 
therein.] 

That  his  Majefties  fubje&s  in  New 
England  may  be  quieted  in  the  poflef- 
fion  of  all  property,  both  in  houfes  and 
lands,  as  they  enjoyed  them  before  the 
gouuerment  was  changed,  on  the  24th 
May,  1686,  and  that  the  antient  records 
there  fetled  for  title  of  lands  may  be 
confirmed. 

That  there  be  liberty  of  confcience 
in  matters  of  Religion,  and  that  theire 
former  methods  of  fwearing  in  giueing 
of  Evidence  may  be  allowed ;  and  all 
their  meeting  houfes  left  free  to  them, 
according  to  the  Intentions  of  the  build- 
ers thereof. 

That  no  lawes  may  be  made  nor 
mony  raifed  there,  without  the  Confent 
of  a  generall  Assembly,  as  it  is  in  the 
other  plantations. 

That  all  Townfhips  may  haue  liberty 


to  aiTemble  and  mannadge  the  buiffinefs 
of  theire  feuerallprecindis,  asunder  the 
former  Gouuernment,  and  haue  power 
to  receiue  and  difpofe  of  all  Voluntary 
contributions. 

That  the  Colledge  at  Cambridge  in 
New  England,  with  the  Revenues 
thereunto  belonging,  be  confirmed  in 
the  hands  of  a  Prefident  and  fellows  as 
formerly. 

Wee  humbly  Petition,  that  thefe 
things  may  be  confirmed  under  the 
great  feale. 


PETITION  IN  BEHALF  OF  HARVARD 
COLLEGE. 

[This  paper  is  in  the  handwriting  of  In- 
creafe Mather.] 

Suppose  for  June  i.  1688.  —  PRINCE. 

Some  who  are  diflenters  from  the 
Church  of  England  did  ere<5l  a  Col- 
ledge  at  Cambridge  in  New  England 
for  the  benefit  of  themfelves  and  pof- 
terity. 

Several  donations  were  beftowed  on 
this  Colledge  by  fundry  perfons  ;  alfo  a 
revenue  fetled  by  the  former  Govern- 
ment for  the  incouragement  of  a  Prefi- 
dent and  Fellows  to  govern  that 
Society. 

It  has  bin  governed  by  a  Prefident, 
five  Fellows,  and  a  Treafurer,  who  had 
power  to  make  laws  for  the  government 
of  their  own  Society,  and  to  difpofe  of 
all  moneys  given,  or  that  mould  be 
given,  as  mould  be  moft  advantagious 
to  the  ufe  of  the  Colledge  ;  alfo  in  cafe 
of  death  or  removal  to  chufe  another 
Prefident,  Fellow,  or  Treafurer. 

At  the  time  when  the  Civil  Govern- 
ment was  changed,  the  Colledge  was 

(nor 


[19] 

erty  of  Confcience  to  the  Churches,  to  the  Religion  whereof 
no  lefs  than  an  utter  Extinction  was  intended  and  eagerly 

purfued 


(nor  is  it  that  wee  know  of,  as  yet  put 
into  other  hands)  under  the  Infpeclion 
of  Increafe  Mather  as  Prefident,  John 
Sherman,  Nehemiah  Hubbard,*  John 
Cotton,  John  Leverett,  William  Brattle, 
as  Fellows,  and  John  Richards  as 
Treafurer. 

Wee  now  petition  that  the  faid  Col- 
ledge  may  be  confirmed  in  the  hands  it 
has  bin  in,  and  that  they  may  have  the 
fame  power  which  formerly  they  had, 
as  is  above  exprefled. 


MEMORIAL  OF  GRIEVANCES  PRE- 
SENTED BY  INCREASE  MATHER 
TO  JAMES  II. 

Mr  Increafe  Mather's  2d  audience  of 
King  James  II  was  private  on  lune  2, 
i688.f  Who  failed  a  Bofton  the  Beg.  of 
April,  1688.  — PRINCE. 

For  June  i,  1688. 

I.  As  to  matters  of  Religion,  they 
are  inhibited  the  free  exercife  thereof, 
for  they  are  not  allowed  to  fet  dayes 
for  prayer  or  Thankfgiving  when  the 
minifters  in  B.  had  agreed  with  their 

*  The  perfon  intended  was  undoubtedly  William 
Hubbard. 

t  Cotton  Mather,  who  derived  his  information 
from  a  diary  kept  by  his  father,  fays,  in  the  "  Paren- 
tator,"  that  the  fidt  audience  took  place  May  30,  in 
the  long  gallery  at  Whitehall ;  on  which  occafion  he 
prefented  addrefles  of  thanks  from  the  minifters  and 
churches  of  Maflachufetts  and  Plymouth,  for  the 
King's  Declaration  of  Indulgence.  The  fecond 
audience  was  in  the  King's  Clofet,  "  two  days  after," 
i.  e-i  June  i.  At  that  time  no  petition  was  prefented, 
but  only  a  converfation  held,  in  which  the  King  bade 
him  to  prepare  a  written  ftatement  of  what  he  wifhed 
to  be  done  for  the  Colony.  He  immediately  drew  up 
a  Memorial  of  grievances,  and  alfp  a  Petition  for 
their  redrefs,  and  waited  on  his  Majefty,  July  2,  and 
prefented  them.  We  infer,  from  the  language  of  the 
"Parentator,"  that  a  petition  in  behalf  of  the  Col- 
lege —  perhaps  in  fubftance  that  which  is  printed 
above  —  was  prefented  at  the  fame  time. 


congregations  folemnly  to  praife  God 
becaufe  of  the  King's  Declaration  of 
Indulgences.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  en- 
terteyned  them  with  threatening  words, 
faying  it  was  faction  in  them,  and  bad 
them  meet  at  their  perill,  and  told  them 
that  hee  mould  then  fend  fouldiers  to 
guard  them  and  their  meeting-houfes 
too.  And  the  worfhip  of  the  Church 
of  England  has  been  forced  into  feveral 
of  their  meeting-houfes.  Some  have 
been  fined  and  imprifoned,  because  they 
were  afraid  to  a<5l  againft  the  fcruples 
of  their  confciences  in  fwearing  by  the 
Booke,  yet  willing  to  fwear  (when  called 
thereto)  according  to  the  cuftom  of  the 
country,  by  lifting  up  their  hands.  2.  • 
The  property  of  His  Majefty's  loyal 
fubjedls  there  has  been  invaded  by  their 
prefent  Rulers.  The  Governor  has 
taken  away  the  Lands  belonging  to 
fome  particular  perfons,  and  given 
them  to  his  owne  creatures.  As  alfo 
the  Lands  belonging  to  fundry  Towns. 
And  there  are  divers  whole  Towns 
threatned  to  have  their  common  Lands 
difpofed  of  to  fuch  of  the  loweft  there 
as  have  petitioned  for  them,  which  will 
prove  the  ruin  of  hundreds  of  families 
who  have  for  fcores  of  years  had  a 
peaceable  poffeffion  of  their  rights. 
The  prefent  Rulers  there,  fome  of 
them,  declare,  that  the  King's  fubjefls 
in  N.  E.  have  no  property  belonging  to 
them,  but  that  all  is  gone  with  their 
charter,  and  they  promife  Patents  to 
fuch  as  will  give  a  fumm  of  money  to 
purchafe  their  owne  lands.  They  dif- 
courage  His  Majeflies  fubjefts  by 
afferting  that  they  are  no  better  than 
flaves,  and  that  the  priviledges  of  Eng- 
lifh  men  do  not  belong  to  them.  And 
in  many  particulars  they  ac"l  contrary 

to 


(139) 


[20] 

purfued  by  the  Sons  of  Strangers  who  now  Lorded  it  over 
them.  He  did  therewithal  Propofe,  a  Confirmation  of  the 
Peoples  Title  to  their  Lands,  which  had  been  brought  under 
fuch  an  Abominable  Conteftation.  He  did  alfo  Propofe,  a 
Liberty  for  an  AJ/embly.  But  he  had  nothing  more  at 
Heart  than  the  Intereft  of  the  College ;  whereof  he  was  now 
the  Rector:  (and  his  appearing  in  that  Quality  was  no 
little  Advantage  to  him  in  his  Prefent  Agency :)  but  the 
Ruin  whereof  was  evidently  in  the  View  of  the  Perfe- 
cutors.  Having  prepared  the  way  for  it,  by  Private  Appli- 
cations, to  the  Lords  of  the  Kings  Privy  Council,  and  the 
Chief  Miniflers,  he  again  Waited  on'  His  Majefty,  (July  2.) 
and  was  Admitted  into  his  Clofet ;  where  he  Prefented 
kneeling  his  Memorial  and  Petition.  The  King  put  forth 
his  Hand  to  take  him  up,  and  faid,  YouJJtall  not  kneel,  Syr : 
and  therewithal  received  the  Papers  out  of  his  Hand ;  fay- 
ing, I  fuppofe  thefe  Papers  concern  New-England,  and  are 
about  the  fame  things,  which  you  had  fome  Difcourfe  with 
me,  not  long  Jince  upon:  And  then  putting  them  into  his 
Pocket  he  faid,  He  would  take  care  about  it.  Mr.  Mather 
was  accompanied  with  Two  Gentlemen  whom  the  King 
treated,  (not  to  fay,  Cheated]  as  his  Favourites :  Both  of 
whom  Declared  unto  his  Majefty,  That  if  he  fliewed  Favour 
to  New-England  it  would  have  a  Good  Influence  on  the 
whole  Body  of  DijJTenters  in  England;  Whereto  the  King 

Replied, 

to  the  Laws  of  England.     They  might  drefs  of  thanks  to  the  King,  hee  bad 

fell  where   they  will  without  affigning  them  have  a  care  what  they  did,  and 

anycaufe.    Inferior  officers  extort  what  was  greatly  difpleafed. 
Fees  they  pleafe.  If  His    Majefty  mall   fee   caufe   to 

3.  Disregard  has  bin  mewed  to  his  empower  any  as  Commiflioners,  requir- 

excellent  Majefties  declaration.    When  ing  them  to  adminifter  oaths  to  fundry 

a  Bookefeller  defired  that  hee   might  in  N.  E.,  as  they  mall  receive  direc- 

have  licenfe  to  print  it  in  N.  E.,  that  tion  ;  the  truth  of  thefe  complaints  will 

could  not  be  granted.      And  when  the  be  made  to  appear.     New  England  is 

minifters  in  Bofton  informed  the  Gov-  now  * 
ernor  that  they  were    ingaging  their 
Congregations  to  make  an  humble  Ad-  «  The  manufcript  abruptly  terminates  here. 

(HO) 


[21] 

Replied,  / believe  fo,  and  itJJiall  be  done!     And  Mr.  Mather 
then  added,  That  his  poor  Subjects  in  New-England,  very 
much  Defired,  he  fhould  be  Acquainted  with  their  Condi- 
tion :  But  he  said,  The  Obligation  will  be  beyond  Exprejfion 
great,  if  Your  Majefty,  will  Pleafe  to  grant  them  a  Charter 
for  their  College.      Certainly,  Syr,  they  may  think  it  hard 
that  the  College  built  by  Non-Conformifts, 
JJiould  be  taken  from  them,  &  put  into  the     ^^Jjat?    *rin£ 
Hands  of  Conformi/ls.    The  King  Replied,     declare  fo !  j™ 
It  is  Unreafonable,  &  itfhall  not  be  ! 

On  Sept.  26.  Mr.  Mather  again  waited  on  the  King  in  his 
Clofet ;  and  there  faid  unto  him  ;  Syr,  I  count  it  my  Duty, 
mojl  Humbly  to  Thank  your  Majefty,  in  that  you  were 
P  leafed  fome  time  fence  to  give  Affurance,  that  you  would 
Confirm  to  your  Subjects  in  New-England,  their  Liberties 
and  Properties,  and  the  Benefit  of  your  Gracious  Declara- 
tion. The  King  Replied,  /  will  take  the  fame  Care  of 
New-England,  as  of  England  ;  And  you  may  be  fure,  they 
JJiall  have  what  I  have  Promifed.  Mr.  Mather  went  on,  / 
Humbly  Pray,  Syr,  that  the  matter  may  be  Expedited. 
Your  Majesties  Affairs  here  may  feel  fome  Advantage  from 
it.  The  Kings  Anfwer  was  ;  Trouble  yourfelf  no  farther; 
I  will  take  Care,  that  the  thing  fJiall  be  done  with  Ex- 
pedition. 

But, Quid  Verba  audiam  quum  fafla  non  Videam  ? 

There  was  nothing  Effectually  Performed  of  all  that 

had  been  Promifed. 

Mr.  Mather  made  as  many  Friends  as  he  could  :  And  it 
was  Remarkable  to  him,  That  not  only  the  Lord-Proprietor 
of  Penfylvania,  (then  a  Great  Man  at  Court)  treated  him 
with  much  Civility,  but  even  the  Goggle-E^d  Monfter^  too 

who 

35  By  the  Goggle-Eyed  Monfter  of  Macaulay  will  remember  not  only  that 
courfe  Jeffrys  is  meant.  Readers  of  the  glare  and  frown  of  the  cruel  judge 

were 

(140 


[22] 

who  ufed  no  other  Man  fo,  treated  him  with  fome  Humanity, 
and  the  Roman-Catholicks  themfelves  ufed  him  very  Courte- 
oufly.  It  often  made  him  think  on  that  Word,  They  JJiall 
take  up  Serpents,  and  itJJiall  not  hurt  them  :  The  Serpents 
were  fo  far  from  Hurting  him,  that  they  Extremely  Careffed 
and  Flattered  him.  He'  had  fomething  better  than  a  Staff 
of  Laurel  for  his  Prefervative !  When  he  was  in  the  midfl 
of  thefe  Dangerous  People.  Among  thefe,  Nevil  Pain 
told  him,  That  Father  Peters  \vould  gladly  Speak  with  him, 
and  was  willing,  \_Pray,  Majler  Apella,  can  even  you  Believe 
a  Word  of  this  ?~\  to  do  Good  Offices  for  New-England. 
But  Mr.  Mather  did  not  fee  caufe  to  truft  him  ;  nor  did 
he  ever  Exchange  Ten  Words  with  him ;  though  Reports 
were  fpred  by  fome  Spiteful  Perfons  of  his  maintaining  an 
Intimacy  with  him ;  and  he  was  once  in  Eminent  hazard  of 
lofmg  his  Life,  by  a  Mob,  which  from  fome  Refemblance 
of  Stature  and  Habit  miftook  him  for  the  moft  contrary 
Thing  in  the  world.  Some  that  were  Friends  to  New- Eng- 
land flrongly  advifed  him  to  feek  an  Acquaintance  with  that 
Gentleman,  and  ufe  his  Intereft  with  the  King;  but  he 
always  declined  it  and  faid,  It  was  next  to  going  to  the  Devil 
for  Help,  and  he  could  never  find  in  his  Heart  to  do  it. 
Some  others,  he  did  more  freely  Apply  to  ;  and  efpecially, 
the  Lord-Prasfident,  and  the  Earl  of  Melfort ;  who  both  ftill 
Promifed  Fair.  He  alfo  hoped,  That  the  Diftrefs  and  the  Ter- 
ror of  the  Impending  Revolution,  would  compel  the  Doing  of 
fomething :  And  for  this  purpofe,  he  attended  on  the  King, 
once  again  in  his  Clofet,  on  Oct.  16.  who  then36  Pofitively  told 
him,  That  Liberties  and  Properties,  and  the  College,  and  all 
that  he  had  Promifed,  mould  be  Immediately  Confirmed : 

And 

were  moft  noticeable,  but  that  fome  M  We  infert  the  following  petition 
notable  peculiarity  of  his  eyes  led  to  from  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  viii. 
his  difcovery  whilft  endeavoring  to  es-  p.  n6,atthis  place,  fmce  Prince  afcribes 
cape  in  difguife.  it  to  July,  1688,  and  efpecially  becaufe 

Palfrey 
(142) 


[23] 


And  it  feem'd  indeed  on  the  point  of  being  Executed.  But 
upon  the  falfe  Rumour  of  a  Diverfion  given  to  the  Prince 
of  Oranges  Expedition,  there  was  a  Demur  put  upon  it ; 
Whereupon  Mr.  Mather  faid,  in  his  own  Mind  /  will  fee 
thy  Face  again  no  more.  He  thought  he  had  heard  Good 
Words  enough  ;  and  faw,  They  were  All  he  was  like  to  be 
put  off  withal.  And  indeed,  what  were  the  Dark  Piirpofes 
of  the  Court  about  poor  New-England  at  that  Critical  time 
of  Ifaac  on  the  Altar ;  whether  not  fomething  little  fhort  of 
a  Total  Extirpation  for  Colonies  that  were  fo  Diftin- 
guifhed  for  the  Reformed  Religion  in  the  greateft  Purity  of 

it ! Unriddle  me,  thofe  Two  Things.     The  one  ;  That 

in  the  Account  of  the  State  of  the  Proteftants  in  Ireland, 

which 


Palfrey  places  it  alfo  to  this  period  in 
his  third  volume,  p.  565.  Hutchinfon 
(Hift.  i.  369)  gives  it  the  fame  date. 

PETITION  OF  INCREASE  MATHER  AND 
OTHERS  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  FOR 
TRADE  AND  FOREIGN  PLANTA- 
TIONS.* 

To  the  Right  HonoTirable  the  Lords' 
Committee  for  Trade  and  Forreign 
Plantations. 

The  humble  Petition  of  Increafe  Ma- 
ther, Sa:  Nowell  and  Elifha  Hutch- 
infon —  Sheweth 

That  fince  your  Lordfhips  feem  to 
bee  of  the  opinion  that  His  Majefty 
will  not  at  prefent  grant  an  Aflfembly 
to  be  held  within  his  Dominion  of  New 
England,  for  the  making  of  Laws  or 
raifing  of  mony,  The  Petitioners  hum- 
bly conceive,  That  it  will  be  as  much 
for  His  Majeftys  fervice  as  the  peacea- 
ble goverment  of  his  fubjefts  there; 


that  untill  His  Majefty  mail  be  gra- 
cioufly  pleafed  to  grant  an  Affembly,  the 
Council  mould  confift  of  fuch  perfons 
as  mail  be  conliderable  Proprietors  of 
Lands  within  His  Majefty's  dominions  ; 
and  that  the  Countys  being  continued 
as  at  prefent,  each  County  may  have 
one,  at  leaft,  of  fuch  of  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  fame  to  be  a  member  thereof. 
And  that  no  A<5ls  may  pafs  for  Law  but 
fuch  as  have  or  mall  be  voted  by  the 
manifeft  confent  of  the  major  part  of 
the  Council.  And  that  all  Laws  fo 
made  may  by  printing  be  publifhed  for 
the  Generall  Inftruction  of  all  the  In- 
habitants. 

Your  Petitioners  therefore  moft  hum- 
bly pray  that  your  Lordfhips  would  be 
pleafed  favourably  to  report  the  fame  to 
His  Majefty  for  his  gracious  direction 
and  order  therein. 

And  your  Petitioners  mail  pray,  etc. 
[Suppofe  in  1688,  fometime  in  July. — 

PRINCE.t] 


an     ao  n       .  .      .    . 

where  the  reference  is  to  Hutch.  Hift.  i.  229-230. 


t  Dr.  Palfrey,  who  probably  obtained  his  infor- 
nation  from  the  Colonial  Papers,  in  the  Britilh 
State  Paper  Office,  dates  this  petition  as  in  October. 
(Note  in  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.) 


(H3) 


which  no  Proteftants  make  any  Queftion  of,  One  Article  of 
the  Suggeftions  made  by  the  IriJJi  Catholicks  to  King  James, 
was,  That  if  any  of  the  Irilh  cannot  have  their  Lands  in 
Specie,  but  Money  in  Lieu,  fome  of  them  may  tranfport 
themfelves  into  America,  particularly  near  New-England,  to 
check  the  growing  Independents  of  that  Country.  The 
other ;  That  in  a  letter  fent  from  King  James  to  his  Holy 
Father  at  Rome,  the  Publifhed  Copy  of  which  every  Body 
looks  upon  as  Genuine,  that  Intoxicated  Prince,  declares  his 
fidlpurpofe  to  fet  up  the  Roman-Catholic  Religion  in  the 
EngliJJi  Plantations  of  America.  However,  Bleffed  be  the 
Lord,  who  has  not  given  us  as  a  Prey  to  their  Teeth  ;  Our 
Soul  is  Efcaped  as  a  Bird  out  of  the  Snare  of  the  Fowlers  ; 
the  Snare  is  broken,  we  are  Efcaped. 


ARTICLE    XXVI. 
The  Hi/lory  of  the  NEW  CHARTER. 

JET  my  Reader,  I  befeech  him,  now  be  armed  with 
abundance  of  Patience.  I  am  entring  into  a 
Story,  which  I  wifh  I  could  manage  with  the  Dif- 
patch  of  the  He-Goat  in  the  Vifions  of  Daniel. 
But  it  is  a  Story  that  mould  and  muft  be  told  :  and  I  fore- 
fee,  it  will  prove  a  long  Chapter,  let  me  do  what  I  can.  Of 
the  Poets,  whereof  tis  Remark'd,  the  one  knew  what  to  fay, 
the  other  knew  what  Not  to  fay,  I  am  Confident,  even  the 
latter,  (and  he  who  has  made  his  Eneids,  as  we  now  have 
them,  twenty  times  as  fliort  as  they  were  in  the  firfl  Com- 
pofing  of  them)  could  not  give  it  much  more  Concifely  than 
what  mail  be  now  endeavoured. 

But,  Reader,  if  thou  art  not  in  a  Time  or  a  Frame  for 

the 
(144) 


[25] 


the  Reading  of  Civil  matters,  Turn  over  a  few  Leaves,  and 
Skip  the  Chapter. 

Perhaps,  the  Partitioning  of  the  Story  into  Sections  may 
give  the  Reader  fome  neceffary  Breathing-Spaces. 

§  i.  England  mate  and  faw  an  Happy  REVOLUTION. 
And  New-England  upon,  (and  almoft  before]  the  Advice  of 
it,  made  as  Jujl  and  Fair  an  One,37  in  Conformity  to  it ;  and 

not 


37  PALFREY  writes  (iii.  579) :  "  It 
would  be  very  interefting  to  know  when 
and  how  the  riling  in  Bofton  was  pro- 
jected." He  cites  HUTCHINSON  (Hift. 
i.  381),  who  fays,  "  It  fully  appears  .  .  . 
that  none  of  the  magiftrates  were  privy 
to  the  rifing  of  the  people  ;  "  and  who 
alfo  thinks  that  the  Declaration  was 
written,  after  the  event,  by  Cotton  Ma- 
ther. Both  hiftorians  ignore  the  very 
clear  ftatement  made  by  Samuel  Ma- 
ther in  the  Life  of  his  father  Cotton 
Mather,  p.  42.  It  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  was  in  the  Month  of  April 
[1689]  when  we  had  News  by  the 
Edges  concerning  a  Defcent  made 
upon  England  by  the  Prince  of  Orange 
for  the  Refcue  of  the  Nation  fro'm 
Slavery  and  Popery ;  Then  a  Strange 
Difpofition  entred  in  the  Body  of  our 
People  to  aflert  our  Liberties  againft 
the  Arbetrary  Rulers  that  were  fleecing 
them.  But  it  was  much  feared  by  the 
more  fenfible  Gentlemen  at  Bofton,  that 
an  unruly  Company  of  Soldiers  who  had 
newly  deferted  the  Service  in  which 
they  had  bin  employed  for  the  Eaftern 
War,  by  the  gathering  of  their  Friends 
to  them  to  protect  them  from  the  Gov- 
ernor, who,  they  tho't,  intended  nothing 
but  Ruine  to  them ;  would  make  a 
great  Stir  and  produce  a  bloody  Revo- 
lution. 

"  And  therefore  the  principal  Gentle- 
men in  Bofton  met  with  Mr  MATHER 


(145) 


to  confult  what  was  beft  to  be  done ; 
and  they  all  agreed,  if  poffible,  that  they 
would  extinguifh  all  EfTays  in  our  Peo- 
ple to  an  Infurredtion  ;  but  that  if  the 
Country  People  to  the  Northward  by 
any  violent  Motions  push'd  on  the 
Matter  fo  far  as  to  make  a  Revolution 
unavoidable,  Then  to  prevent  the  Shed- 
ding of  Blood  by  an  ungoverned  Multi- 
tude, fome  of  the  Gentlemen  prefent 
would  appear  in  the  Head  of  what 
Action  fhould  be  done  ;  and  a  Declara- 
tion was  prepared  accordingly. 

"  On  April  18,  the  People  were  fo 
driving  and  furious,  that  unheadedthey 
began  to  feize  our  public  Oppreflbrs, 
upon  which  the  Gentlemen  aforefaid 
found  it  neceflary  to  appear,  that  by 
their  Authority  among  the  People  the 
unhappy  Tumults  might  be  a  little  reg- 
ulated." Further  on  he  writes  :  "  Twas 
then  Mr  Mather  appeared,"  and  "he 
fet  himfelf  both  publickly  and  privately 
to  hinder  the  Peoples  proceeding  any 
further  than  to  referve  the  Criminals 
for  the  Juftice  of  the  Englijh  Parlia- 
ment." ...  "On  that  very  Day  that 
he  was  to  be  committed  to  half  a  Years 
Imprifonment  thofe  that  would  have 
wronged  him  were  juftly  taken  into 
Cuftody." 

Surely  this  is  very  ftrong  evidence 
to  the  point,  that  the  gentlemen  had 
confulted  in  advance ;  and  we  can 
hardly  doubt  that  the  multitude  were 

aware, 


[26] 


not  Rejlfting  an  Ordinance  of  GOD,  but  Re/training  a 
Curfed  Violation  of  His  Ordinance,  Imprifoned  Sr.  Edmond 
Andros,  and  his  Accomplices. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Prince  of  Orange  Arriving  to 
London,  and  he  with  the  Princefs,  being  foon  after,  Chofen 
and  Crowned,  KING  and  QUEEN,  of  the  Britilh  Empire, 
Mr.  Mather  had  a  New  Field,  and  a  Large  one,  for  fpecial 
Service  offered  him. 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  having  declared,  the  Rejloration 
of  Charters  to  be  one  Intention  of  his  Expedition  into  Eng- 
land, Mr.  Mather  immediately  ufed  his  moft  Vigorous 
Endeavours,  That  the  Charters  of  New-England  might  be 
Reftored  as  well  as  thofe  of  England.  The  good  Old  Lord 
Wharton,  whofe  Memory  ought  forever  to  be  Precious  unto 
New-England,  went  with  Mr.  Mather,  to  Wait  on  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  at  St.  James  s  ;  and  on  Jan.  g.38  then  Prefented 

the 


aware,  by  indirect  means,  that  leaders 
would  be  forthcoming  whenever  action 
was  taken. 

35  Jan.  9,  1689-90.  The  Petition 
prefented  by  Mather  is  undoubtedly 
the  following  one,  which  is  preferved  in 
Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix. 
p.  345.  It  is  addrefled  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  who  was  crowned  King  on 
the  1 3th  February :  — 

[Mafe.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  345.] 

To  His  Highnefs  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

The  Humble  Petition  of  Increafe  Ma- 
ther, Reftor  of  the  Colledge  at  Cam- 
bridge in  New  England  in  the  behalf 
of  himfelf  and  the  Proteflant  Inhab- 
itants in  that  Territorie 

Humbly  fheweth 

That  in  the  reigne  of  King  James 
the  firft,  their  Anceftors  of  Blefled 
memory  for  the  fake  of  God  and  their 


confcience  left  their  native  Country, 
and  found  a  wildernefs  now  called  New 
England,  and  Planted  and  built  there, 
and  had  many  grants  in  fee  for  the  in- 
heritance of  what  they  foe  dearly  pur- 
chafed.  But  fince  the  year  1683  their 
Charters  have  been  ravifhed  from  them 
by  Judgement  in  the  high  Court  of  Chan- 
cery in  England  without  allowing  them 
time  to  make  the  leaft  defence,  and  a 
Governour  is  impofed  upon  them  (vizt.) 
Sir  Edmund  Androfs,  who  hath  ac- 
cepted of  an  illegall  and  Arbitrary  Com- 
miffion  Impowering  him  to  make  Laws 
and  to  raife  money  without  any  confent 
of  the  People,  in  foe  much  that  their 
ancient  eftablimed  Government  is  to- 
tally fubverted  ;  And  they  are  expofed 
to  the  Cruelty  and  rapine  of  the  In- 
dians, animated  by  the  French,  and 
their  Religion  perfons  and  properties 
to  the  utmoft  hazard  of  an  abfolute  dif- 
truction  except  fpeedily  relieved  by 
your  highnefs. 

Wherefore 


(146) 


[27] 


the  Petition  for  it  unto  His  Highnefs.  That  noble  Perfon, 
with  a  great  Zeal  told  his  Highnefs,  That  if  he  werefure  to 
Dy  the  next  Day,  he  would  as  he  now  did  this  Day,  appear 

on 


Wherefore  your  petitioner  humbly 
implores  your  highnefs  that  you  wilbe 
gratioufly  pleafed  to  declare  under  your 
hand  and  figne  manuall,  that  it  is  your 
pleafure  that  New  England  mould  be 
Reftored  to  its  ancient  Rights  and 
priviledges  and  that  their  old  Charters 
mould  take  place  as  formerly. 

And  your  petitioner  as  in  duty  bound 
mall  ever  pray 

We  alfo  add  the  following  Letter  to 
Afhurft,  and  the  report  in  Council,  from 
the  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  viii. 
p.  117-118 :  — 

INCREASE  MATHER  TO  SIR  HENRY 
ASHHURST. 

Thefe  for  the  Worjhipfull  Sir  Henry 
AJhiirJl,  Baronett. 

SIR,  —  I  have  a  Great  Requeft  to 
make  to  you.  And  I  am  perfwaded  you 
will  not  deny  me. 

The  laft  night  I  was  at  Whitehall ; 
and  my  Lord  Shrewfburyes  (the  Secre- 
tary of  State)  Clerk  informed  me  that 
this  day  about  5  a  clock  in  the  after- 
noon, our  New  England  affair  will  be 
before  the  Comittee  of  forreign  Plan- 
tations. Hee  advifed  me  not  only  to 
attend  there  myfelfe ;  but,  to  ingage 
fome  other  Gentlemen  to  be  with  me  ; 
and  of  his  owne  accord  mentioned  your 
felfe. 

I  therefore  humbly  pray  that  you 
will  favor  (not  me  but)  New  England 
fo  farr  as  to  condefcend  to  this  propofal 
and  defire  of,  Sir,  Your  Servant, 

INCREASE  MATHER. 
February.  18.  i688[-g.] 


(H7) 


REPORT  AND  ORDER  IN  COUNCIL, 
FROM  A  PAPER  IN  THE  HAND- 
WRITING OF  INCREASE  MATHER. 

A  report  from  the  Honorable  the  Lords 
of  the  \Coni\mittee  for  Trade  and 
Forreign  plantations. 

Wee  have  in  obedience  to  your  Maj- 
eftys  Command  of  I3th  inftant  confid- 
ered  the  Petition]  of  Sir  W.  A[fhhurft] 
and  Mr  I[ncreafe]  M[ather]  praying 
that  the  Colonies  of  Maffachufetts,  New 
York,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Ifland,  in 
New  England,  may  have  their  refpe<5tive 
Charters  reftored  to  them,  and  choofe 
Magiftrates  permitted  to  take  upon 
them  the  Government  of  faid  Colonies, 
wee  have  alfo  heard  what  the  petitioners 
could  allege  by  their  Council  learned  in 
the  Law,  and  bin  informed  by  Sir  R. 
S.  of  the  proceedings  relating  to  thofe 
charters. 

Whereupon  wee  moft  humbly  offer 
that  as  well  in  reference  to  your  Reve- 
nue which  is  very  much  concerned 
therein,  as  in  confideration  of  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  French,  who 
have  lately  invaded  your  Majefties  do- 
minions in  thofe  parts,  your  Majefty 
would  be  pleafed  to  fend  forthwith 
another  Governor  to  New  England  in 
the  place  of  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  with 
a  provifional  commiffion  and  impowered 
to  proclaime  your  Majefty  in  thofe  Col- 
lonies,  and  to  take  the  prefent  care  of 
the  Adminiftration  of  Government  of 
thofe  parts  till  further  ordered.  In 
which  Commiffion  and  inftruc~lions  it 
may  be  expreffed  that  no  money  mail 
be  raifed  by  the  Governor  and  Councill 
onely,  which  they  were  lately  empow- 
ered 


[28] 


on  behalf  of  New-England,  and  Sollicit  His  Favour  to  that 
Religious  Country.  He  faid,  That  they  were  a  Godly  Con- 
fcientious  People,  and  there  were  Proportionably  more  Good 
Men  in  New-England,  than  in  any  part  of  the  World.  He 
faid,  They  did  not  Petition  for  Money,  nor  for  Souldiers,  nor 
any  other  Succours  under  their  heavy  Difficulties ;  but  for 
their  Ancient  Privileges.  His  Highnefs  replied,  That  His 
Purpofe  was,  to  take  the  Beft  care  he  could  about  it ;  and  He 
would  give  order  to  His  Secretary  Mr.  Jephfon  !  concerning 
it.  My  Lord  then  carrying  Mr.  Mather  to  Mr.  Jephfon,  faid, 
Coujin,  (for  f uch  he  was)  Obferve  this  Gentleman  ;  and  when- 
ever he  comes  to  you,  Receive  him  as  if  I  came  my  f  elf. 

And  Mr.  Mather  foon  had  fomething  to  do  with  Mr. 
Jephfon  !  For  by  the  Procurement  of  fome  old  Courtiers 
and  Jacobites,  a  Circular  Letter  was  drawn  up  unto  all  the 
Plantations,  and  unto  New-England  among  the  reft,  Con- 
firming all  their  Old  Governours  until  further  Order.  Mr. 

Mathers 


ered  to  do.  And  wee  likewife  moft 
humbly  advife  that  your  Majefty  do 
thereupon  give  order  for  preparing,  as 
foon  as  may  be,  fuch  further  eftablifh- 
ment  as  may  be  lafting,  and  preferve 
the  Rights  and  priviledges  of  the  people 
in  New  England,  and  yet  referve  fuch  a 
dependence  on  the  crown  of  England 
as  mail  be  thought  requifite. 
Council  Chamber,  22  Febr. 

His  Majefty  taking  the  fame  into 
confideration,  was  pleafed  to  command 
that  it  be  referred  back  to  the  Com- 
mittee to  confider  of  and  prepare  a 
draft  of  a  new  charter  to  be  granted  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  New  England,  with 
fuch  parts  and  claufes  as  may  fuit  with 
and  be  agreeable  to  the  Laws  and  Gov- 
ernment of  this  Kingdom,  and  may 
preferve  the  Rights  and  properties  of 
the  Colony  and  referve  fuch  a  depend- 
ance  on  this  Cro[wn]  as  is  advife[d] 


and  that  inftead  of  [a]  Governor  to  be 
fent  in  the  room  of  Sir  Edmond  Andros, 
there  be  appointed  2  Commiffioners  [to 
take]  upon  them  the  Adminiftration 
of  Government  there,  with  directions 
immediately  to  proclaime  King  W.[il- 
liam]  and  Queen  M.[ary].  And  his 
Majefty  is  gracioufly  pleafed  further 
to  order  that  fuch  of  the  Merchants 
and  planters  as  are  at  prefent  here  in 
England  do  forthwith  attend  the  faid 
Committee  in  order  to  their  recom- 
mending to  their  Lordfhips  of  faid 
Commiffioners  for  his  Majefty. 

At  a  Court  at  Whitehall,  Feb.  26, 
i688[-o.],  by  the  Kings  moft  excellent 
Majefty  and  the  Lords  of  his  moft  hon- 
ourable privy  council.* 

*  This  order  of  the  King  in  Council  is  printed 
in  a  flightly  different  form  in  Palfrey's  "  Hiftory," 
vol.  iii/  pp.  592,  593,  note,  who  alfo  gives  the  objec- 
tions urged  by  Sir  Robert  Sawyer  on  the  22d  Feb- 
ruary to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee,  as  referred  to 
in  the  firft  fedlion  of  this  report 


(14*) 


[29] 


Mathers  Vigilance,  got  the  Knowledge  of  this  Letter,  from 
the  Secretary  :  But  what  a  concern  did  it  give  him  !  Had 
this  Letter  come  to  New-England,  and  the  Pounded  Rulers 
taken  the  Advantage  of  it,  as  they  would  have  done,  to  have 
reiumed  the  Government,  Bq/lon  would  have  been  a  Sham- 
bles. Mr.  Mather  Effectually  Remonftrated  it  unto  the 
Secretary,  who  carried  his  Remonflrance  unto  the  Prince  ; 
and  he  then  gave  Order  that  the  Letter  to  New-England 
mould  be  ftop'd  ;  but  the  reft  proceed.  This  one  Special 
Service  was  well  worth  his  Voyage  to  England  for  it  ! 


39 


39  I  think  the  following  document 
from  Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol. 
cxxix.  p.  317,  is  the  identical  one  which 
did  fuch  fervice.  It  muft  date  after 
February  13,  when  William  and  Mary 
were  crowned.  The  paper  is  in  a 
clerk's  hand,  but  has  been  altered  by 
the  fubftitution  of  the  words  printed  in 
Italics.  This  is  a  fign  poffibly  of  fome 
great  urgency  which  would  not  allow 
of  a  frefh  copy  being  made,  or  elfe 
fhows  that  the  corrections  were  made 
after  the  coronation,  if  we  prefume  a 
fair  copy  was  made.  Palfrey  (iii.  591) 
fays  that  the  letter  continuing  Andros 
was  dated  January  12;  and  yet,  as  veffels 
for  New  England  failed  infrequently,  it 
might  well  happen  that  a  month  had 
elapfed  without  an  opportunity  to  fend 
it.  At  all  events,  we  know  by  the  docu- 
ments which  follow  it  that  the  paper 
belongs  juft  at  this  juncture.  A  copy 
in  Mather's  handwriting,  and  without 
the  additions  above  noted,  is  in  Mafs. 
Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  viii.  p.  705. 

[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxix.  p.  317.] 

To  the  [Kings]  King  William  and 
Queen  Mary,  Moft  Excellent  Maj- 
eftyj. 

The  humble  Petition  of  Sir  William 
Phips,  Knt.  and  Increafe  Mather, 
Rector  of  the  Colledge  att  Cam- 
bridge in  New  England 


Humbly  flieweth : 

That  Four  Colonies  in  New  England 
have  had  their  Charters,  which  did  em- 
power them  to  choofe  their  own  Rulers, 
by  extraordinary  wayes  taken  from 
them,  And  Sir  Edmund  Andros  has 
been  fent  to  Governe  them  by  an  il- 
legall  Commiffion.  And  of  late  we  hear 
that  the  Indians  animated  by  the  French 
are  making  Warr  upon  them  And  if 
that  Territory  mould  be  loft,  it  would 
prove  very  prejudiciall  to  the  Englifh 
Nation  and  to  the  Proteftant  Intereft 
in  Generall. 

Wherefore  as  an  effectual  Remedy 
againft  thefe  Evills,  Wee  humbly  pray 
that  Sir  Edmond  Andros  may  be  re- 
moved from  his  Government  in  New 
England,  and  that  your  Majefty  will 
pleafe  by  a  letter  under  your  Majeflies 
hand  andjign  manual,  to  Declare  that 
all  their  Charters  being  reftored  to 
them  they  proceede  in  Adminiftrations 
of  Government  as  before  any  Quo  War- 
rantos  were  iffued  againft  them,  there 
being  now  a  fliip  ready  to  fayle  for 
Bofton.  Alfo  that  Order  may  be  given 
to  the  former  governments  in  the  fev- 
erall  Colonies  in  New  England  to  pro- 
claime  your  Majeftyj  King  and  Queen 
in  that  part  of  your  Dominions 

And  your  petitioners  (hall  ever  pray. 


049) 


[30] 

§.2.  It  is  Commemorated  among  the  Memorable  Things 
in  the  Prudentia  Veteris  Ecclejice ;  That  the  People  at 
Antioch  having  by  fome  ram  doings,  exceedingly  Incenfed 
the  Emperour  Theodojius,  and  Fearing  his  Vengeance  upon 
them,  Compofed  very  Mournful  Hymns,  which  they  fang  in 
their  Publick  Devotions.  Upon  which  they  alfo  fent  their 
Paftor,  even  the  moft  Eminent  Minifter  in  the  City,  as  an 
Agent  for  them,  to  the  Imperial  Court ;  who  Prevailed  with 
the  Young  Men  that  were  Singers  at  the  Emperours  Table, 
to  Sing  thofe  Mournful  Songs :  At  the  hearing  whereof,  the 
Emperour,  when  he  underftood  the  Original  &  Intention 
of  them,  was  Diffolved  into  Relenting  Tears,  and  mewed 
Mercy  to  the  City. 

New-England  had 'not  fo  far  Incurred  the  Royal  Dif- 
pleaiure ;  though  fome  Difpleafmg  Things  had  been  Un- 
wifely  done  in  the  Country.  Mr  Mather  being  in  an 
Agency  for  them,  like  his  Predeceffor  Flavian,  thought  it 
no  Imprudence  to  let  the  King  hear  fomething  of  what 
paffed  in  the  public  Devotions  of  the  People  for  which  he 
was  concerned. 

On  March  14.  1689.  The  Lord  Wharlon  introduced  him 
to  King  WILLIAM  ;  and  Mr.  Mather  knowing  that  the 
King  defired  none  but  veryy%0r/  Speeches,  only  faid,  /  Con- 
gratulate your  Majejlies  happy  AcceJJion  to  the  Crown,  and 
I  Humbly  Implore  Your  Favour  to  New-England. 

KING.  You  may  reft  Affured  that  I  will  mew  them  all 
the  Favour,  which  it  is  in  my  Power  to  do. 


/  may  Humbly  and  Freely  Speak  it ;  The  very 
Prayers  of  that  People,  will  be  of  fome  Service  to  Your 
Majejly.  They  are  a  Good  and  a  Praying  People. 

KING. 

(150) 


KING.  I  Believe  they  are  a  Good  People  ;  But  I  doubt, 
there  have  been  Irregularities  in  their  Government. 


/  durjl  Engage,  that  they  Jhall  at  thejirjl  Word  Re- 
form any  Irregularities  they  Jhall  be  Advifed  of. 

Ld.  Wharton.  —  And  /'/  be  their  Guarantee,  and  here  is 
Mr.  Mather  the  ReRor  of  the  College  there,  Jhall  be  the  other. 
We  Two  willjland  bound  for  New-England,  that  theyJJiall 
a£l  Regularly  for  the  Future. 

KING.  I  will  forthwith  give  Order,  that  Sr.  Edmond 
Andros  fhall  be  removed  from  the  Government  of  New- 
England,  and  be  called  unto  an  Account  for  his  Male- 
Adminiftration.  And  I  will  direct,  that  the  Prefent  King 
and  Queen  mail  be  Proclaimed  by  their  former  Magiflrates. 


*  Syr,  They  will  do  it  with  the  Joyfullejl  Hearts  in 
the  World* 

§•3- 


40  To  this  period  belong  the  follow-    p.  120-122,  and  there  wrongly  affigned 
ing  documents  :    Firft,    an    Order   in    to  a  later  date  :  — 
Council,  printed  in   Mafs.    Hid.   Soc. 

Coll.  4th  Ser.  vol.  ii.  p.  298,  dated  iSth     To  tjie  Kings  Mo  ft  Excellent  Majefty. 
April,  1689,  and  reading  as  follows  :  — 

The  humble  petition  of  feveral  perfons 

"  The  Earle  of  Shrewfbury  is  di-          having  confiderable  intereft  in  New 
refled  upon   inquiry  from    thofe  who          England  and  the  Jerfies 
haue  the  moft  confiderable  intereft  in 

New  England,  New  York,  and  the  Jer-     Moft  Humbly  Sheweth 
zeys,  to  prefent  to  the  King  the  names          That  your  majefty  having  directed 
of  fuch  as  maybe  thought  fitt  at  this     the  right  honourable  the  Earl  of  Shrewf- 
time  to  be  Governor  and  Lieut.  Cover-     bury,  upon  inquiry,  with  thofe  perfons 
nor  of  thofe  Parts."  who  have  the  moft  confiderable  inter- 

efts  in  New  England,  New  York  and 

Second,  the  following  petition  the  Jerfies,  to  prefent  to  your  majefty 
printed  in  the  Hutchinfon  Papers  in  the  names  of  fuch  perfons  as  may  be 
the  fame  Collections,  3d  Ser.  vol.  i.  thought  fit  at  this  time  to  be  governour 

and 

OsO 


[32] 


§.  3-  This  true  New-England-Mzn  confidering  how  Won- 
derfully New-England  had  Prospered  under  the  Old  Charter, 
and  how  Defirous  the  People  for  whom  he  was  now  con- 
cerned, were  to  have  it  Reftored ;  he  Advifed  with  the 
Wifeft  Friends  he  could  find,  about  this  Momentous  Affair. 
Their  Concurrent  Judgment  was,  That  the  beft  courfe  would 
be  to  Endeavour  for  a  Reverjion  of  the  Judgment  againft  the 
Maffachufet-Charter  by  an  A  El  of  Parliament ;  and  after- 
wards Petition  to  the  King  for  the  Additional  Privileges, 

without 


and  lieutenant  governour  of  thofe  parts  ; 
whereof  we  receiving  notice  crave  leave 
moft  humbly  to  reprefent  to  your  maj- 
efty,  that  the  inhabitants  and  proprie- 
tors of  the  colonies  of  New  England 
and  the  Jerfies  have  always  had,  by 
virtue  of  their  charters  and  grants,  a 
power  to  choofe  their  refpeclive  gover- 
nours  ;  and  the  honourable  Houfe  of 
Commons  having  voted  the  profecution 
againft,  and  taking  away  fuch  charters 
and  franchifes,  to  be  illegal,  and  a 
grievance,  and  that  they  be  reftored 
and  confirmed  —  it  is  humbly  con- 
ceived, that  the  appointing  of  a  gover- 
nour by  your  majefty  over  the  colonies 
of  New  England  and  the  Jerfies,  is  in- 
confiftent  with  the  faid  charters  and 
grants,  (againft  one  of  which  only  judg- 
ment hath  paft,)  and  with  the  votes 
aforefaid,  and  will  be  a  great  difap- 
pointment  to  the  hopes  of  your  fubjefts 
there  and  here,  grounded  upon  your 
majefty's  moft  gracious  declarations. 

Your  petitioners  therefore  moft  hum- 
bly pray,  that  your  majefty  would  be 
gracioufly  pleafed,  that  the  refpeclive 
charters,  grants,  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  faid  colonies  of  New  England  and 
the  Jerfies  may  be  reftored  and  con- 
firmed accordingly. 

And  your  petitioners  fhall  ever  pray. 


Reafons  again/}  fending  a  Governour 
to  New  England. 

1.  The  people  there  have  by  their 
charters   power  to    choofe   their    own 
governours,  and  all  other  officers  ;  and 
all  their  charters  are  in  force  ftill,  ex- 
cepting   one,  there    having    been    no 
judgments  pafTed  againft  them,  nor  any 
furrenders  ;  and  as  for  that  one,  againft 
which  judgment   has  been  entered,  it 
proceeded  by  a  fcire  facias,  &c.  illegally 
managed.    . 

2.  They  that  are  concerned  for  New 
England    do    confidently    affirm,    that 
there  is  not  one  in  a  hundred,  nay,  not 
one  in  a  thoufand,  of  the   inhabitants 
there,  who  does  not  defire  that   their 
government  by  charter  might  be  con- 
tinued to  them.     If  the  king  fhall  pleafe 
to  gratify  their  defires  therein,  they  will 
cheerfully  expofe    themfelves,  and   all 
that  is  dear  to  them  in  this  world,  to 
ferve  his  majefty.     But  if  their  former 
rights  and  privileges  be  withheld  from 
them,  it  will  caufe  an  univerfal  diffatif- 
fadlion    and    difcouragement    amongft 
the  inhabitants.     Nor  can  any  thing  be 
thought  of  that  will  more  endanger  their 
being  ruined  by  the  French  or  other 
enemies  near  them,  except  taking  from 
them  their  charter  rights,  as  is  manifeft 
in  that  when  they  enjoyed  their  charter, 
they  eafily  fubdued  their  enemies,  but 
fince  that  it  has  been  otherwife. 


(152) 


[33] 


without  which  the  Old  Charter  would  not  anfwer  the  Occa- 
fions,  and  Neceffities  of  the  People.  Mr.  Mather  hereupon 
made  moft  Indefatigable  Applications  unto  the  Principal 
Men  in  that  Convention  Parliament  ;  The  Effect  of  which 
was,  That  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  the  Charters  of  New- 
England  were  exprefly  put  into  the  Charter-Bill:  It  was 
Voted,41  That  the  taking  of  them  away,  wras  a  Grievance, 
and  that  they  fhould  be  Reftored.  And  a  great  Intereft  was 
alfo  made  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  that  when  the  Bill  fhould 
come  up  to  them,  for  their  Concurrence,  New-England 
might  be  there  alfo  Favoured.  At  the  fame  time,  \_July  4. 
1689.]  Mr.  Mather  was  again  Introduced  by  the  Lord 
Wharton  unto  the  King  at  Hampton  Court:  and  faid, 


I  Prefume  Your  Majcfty  has  been  Informed,  of  the 
Great  Service,  which  Your  Subjects  in  New-England,  have 
done  for  Your  Majejly,  and  for  this  Nation,  and  for  the 
Protejlant  Interejl,  in  Securing  that  Territory  for  King 
WILLIAM. 

KING.  I  have  feen  fome  Letters  that  Speak  of  it,  and  I 
Kindly  accept  of  what  they  have  done. 


If  Your  Majejly  would  Pleafe  to  Command  that 
Your  kind  Acceptance  of  what  they  have  donejhall  be  Signi- 
fied unto  them,  it  will  be  a  great  Encouragement. 

KING.  I  will  give  order  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  that 
a  Letter  be  Written  to  them,  to  let  them  understand,  that 
what  they  have  done  is  Acceptable  to  me. 


41  A  report  of   the   Committee   on  ances  "the  profecution  ofguo  ivarrantos 

Grievances,  dated  5th  March,  1688-89,  againft  the  cities,  two  univerfities,  the 

is   quoted  by  HUTCH INSON    (Hift.  i.  towns   corporate,   boroughs,  and  cinq 

389-390,  note).     It  mentions  as  griev-  ports,  and  the  plantations." 

T  (153) 


[34] 

Your  Majefty  may,  by  the  Ajfijlance  of  New-Eng- 
land, whenever  You  Pleafe,  become  the  Emperour  of  America. 
/  durft  engage,  that  Your  Subjects  there,  will  readily  Venture 
their  Lives  and  Eftates  in  Your  Service.  All  that  is  Hum- 
bly Defered  on  their  behalf,  is  only  that  they  may  Enjoy  their 
Ancient  Rights  and  Priviledges. 

KING.  I  do  affure  you,  I  will  do  all  that  it  is  in  my 
Power  to  do,  that  it  may  be  fo. 

Mr.  Mead  being  with  him,  told  the  King,  that  he  could 
not  poffibly  do  any  thing  more  grateful  to  his  Diffenting 
Subjects  in  England,  than  in  being  kind  unto  New-England 
in  the  Reftoring  of  their  former  Privileges.  The  King  bad 
them  reft  Satisfied,  That  itJJiould  be  done. 

42  But  behold,  while  the  Charter  Bill  was  Depending,  the 
Convention-Parliament  was  Unexpectedly  Prorogued,  and 
then  Dijfolved ;  and  Mr.  Mather  found  the  Sifyph&an  La- 
bour of  a  whole  Year  come  to  nothing.43 

§.  4.  The  Difpofition  of  the  next  Parliament  foon  appeared 
fuch,  that  nothing  in  the  Favour  of  New-England  was  to  be 
Expected  there.  Mr.  Mather  then  made  fome  Effays,  to  fee 
if  by  a  Writ  of  Error  in  Judgment,  the  cafe  relating  to  the 
MaJJTachufet-Colony  might  be  brought  out  of  Chancery  into 
the  Kings  Bench ;  but  this  Attempt  alfo  was  Defeated  by 
fo  Surprifing  a  Providence,  that  Mr.  Mather  Declared  upon 

it; 

42  A  letter  of  the  King  to  the  Colony,  orderly  fettlement  of  the  faid  govern- 

dated  I2th  Aug.  1689,  is  in  HUTCHIN-  ment,  as  fhall  mofl  conduce  to  our  fer- 

SON  (Hift.  i.  390-391,  note).     It  orders  vice,  and  the  fecurity  and  fatisfadtion 

thofe  in  power   "  to   continue  in   our  our  fubjecls  within  that  Colony." 

name  your  care  in  the  adminiftration  43  Parliament  was  prorogued  27  Jan. 

thereof  and  prefervation  of  the  peace,  1689-90,  and  formally  diflblved  a  few 

until  we  have   taken  fuch   refolutions  days  later, 
and  given  fuch  directions   for  the  more 

(154) 


[35] 

it ;  Never  did  I  fee  a  more  Signal  Hand  of  Heaven  in  any 
matter,  than  in  Dif appointing  all  Hopes,  for  the  Obtaining 
the  fo  much  Defered  full  Rejlitution  of  all  our  Charter 
Privileges,  by  a  Reverjion  of  the  Judgment  Entred  again/I 
them." 

All  Hopes  of  Obtaining  the  Reftoration  of  the  Old  Char- 
ter being  at  an  End,  there  was  no  way  left,  but  a  Flight  unto 
the  Royal  Favour ;  For  though  it  was  not  in  the  Kings 
Power  to  Reverfe  the  Judgment  againft  the  Old  Charter,  yet 
His  Majefty  had  power  to  Re-incorporate  his  good  Subjects 
there,  and  grant  them  a  NEW  CHARTER,  that  fhould 
contain  all  the  Old,  with  New  and  more  Ample  Privileges  ; 
Without  which,  the  Old  would  not  have  been  Sufficient. 

Mr.  Mather,  with  Two  other  Agents,45  which  the  Maffa- 
chufet  Colony  had  then  joined  with  him,  now  Signed  a 
Petition  to  the  KING,  for  fuch  a  NEW  CHARTER: 
which  Petition  the  Right  Honourable  Earl  of  Monmouth 
Condefcended  fo  far,  as  to  deliver  with  his  own  truly 
Noble  Hand.  Whereupon  Mr.  Mather  Obtained  the  Inter- 
ceffion  of  a  great  Perfonage,  which  Prevailed  with  the  King 
to  refer  the  Affair  of  New-England  unto  the  Confideration 
of  the  Two  Lord  Chief  Juftices,  with  His  Majefties  Attor- 
ney and  Solicitor-General :  All  of  whom  had  by  Mr.  Mathers 
Powerful  and  Affiduous  Applications  been  brought  into  the 
New  EngliJJi  Interefls.  They  met  Three  or  Four  Times, 
and  kindly  gave  him  leave  to  be  Prefent  with  them  at  all 

their 

44  We  are  Hill  without  any  clew  to  The  Earl  of  Monmouth,  Charles  Mor- 

this    furprifmg    Providence.      It  may  daunt,  fo  created  9  April,  1689  ;  he  was 

have   been    fome    occurrence    in    the  nephew  of  Henry  Carey,  2d  Earl,  who 

Court  of  King's  Bench,  but  probably,  died   in    1661.     In  the  mean  time  the 

if  traced  out,  it  would  hardly  feem  as  Dukedom    of    Monmouth     had     been 

marvellous  to  us  as  it  did  to  Mather.  created    and    loft,  as    is    well   known. 

45  The  two  agents  thus  added  were  Mordaunt  is  better  known  as  the  Earl 

Oakes  and  Cooke  ;  see  ante,  p.  59  ;  and  of  Peterborough,  a  title  he  inherited  in 

on  p.  43  will  be  found  the   Petition.  1697. 


[36] 


their  Confultations.  The  Heads  of  the  Maffachufet  OLD 
CHARTER,  and  Sr.  Ferdinando  Gorges,  were  Prefented 
in  Writing,  together  with  fuch  Additional  Privileges,  as 
were  then  Pray'd  for :  And  they  all  judged,  there  was 
nothing  Unreafonable,  or  Prejudicial  to  the  Kings  Interefl 
in  what  was  Propofed.  They  were  Prefented  unto  the  King, 
by  the  Lord  Chief  Juflice  Holt;  and  the  King  Ordered 
him  to  Prefent  them  unto  the  Council ;  who  did  accordingly ; 
and  from  thence  they  were  transferred  unto  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations.^ 

§.  5.  Immediately  upon  this,  the  King  took  his  Voyage 
for  Holland: 47  and  before  his  Return,  there  was  no  more  to  be 
done.  But  flill  Mr.  Mather  would  be  doing  offomething  for 

the 


48  It  muft  be  remembered  that  Ma- 
ther thus  has  fummed  up  two  years' 
labor  at  court,  viz.,  all  of  1689  and 
1690.  The  application  laft  mentioned 
refulted  in  the  following  Order  in  Coun- 
cil, which  is  printed  in  Mafs.  Hift.  Soc. 
Coll.  4th  Ser.  ii.  301 :  — 

At  Kenfinton,  the  firft  of  January 
1690  [91].  Prefent  the  King's  moft 
excellent  Majefty. 

.Whereas  it  is  humbly  defired  by  the 
perfons  imployed  on  behalf  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  Colony  in  New  England ; 
that  in  regard  they  were  Incorporated 
by  the  Letters  Patent  of  King  Charles 
the  firft,  the  heads  whereof  are  here- 
unto annexed,  And  for  that  the  faid 
Corporation  did  afterwards  purchafe 
from  the  Heir  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  the  Province  of  Maine, 
granted  to  the  faid  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  by  Letters  Patent  of  the  faid 
King  Charles  the  firft,  an  abftract  of 
which  is  alfo  hereunto  annexed,  and 
enjoyed  the  fame  till  the  late  judgement 


againft  them.  That  their  Majefties 
would  be  pleafed  to  re-eftablifh,  their 
Corporation,  and  grant  them  their 
Lawes  and  former  Priviledges,  as  in 
the  feverall  Papers  annexed  is  at  large 
fet  forth.  His  Majefty  in  Councill  is 
pleafed  to  referr  this  matter  to  the 
Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations, 
who  are  to  examine  the  fame,  and  to 
report  their  Opinion  thereupon  to  this 
Board.  —  [William  and  Mary,  vol.  ii. 
95-] 

It  may  be  here  pointed  out  that  in 
Auguft,  1689,  Mather  thought  his  work 
was  done,  and  actually  took  fhip  for 
home.  His  fon  being  taken  fick,  he 
was  delayed,  and,  returning  to  London, 
the  change  in  affairs  kept  him  at  his 
poft  two  years  longer.  I  had  over- 
looked this  paflage  when  I  prepared  the 
Memoir  prefixed  to  the  fecond  volume 
of  thefe  Tracls. 

47  William  failed  for  Holland  i8th 
Jan.  1690-91. 


(156) 


[37] 

the  good  of  his  Country.  He  Publifhed,  Reafons  for  the 
Confirmation  of  Charter-Privileges,  granted  to  the  Maffa- 
chufet-Colony,  which  he  Difperfed  among  the  Lords  of  His 
Majefties  moft  Honourable  Privy-Council ;  and  Perfonally 
Addreffed  himfelf  unto  the  moft  of  them  ;  humbly  Praying 
their  Lordmips  Favour  to  New-England,  in  a  matter  that 
appeared  fo  Equal.  His  Maxim  was,  That  in  all  Affairs,  a 
Few  did  All ;  and  his  Method  was,  To  find  out  the  moft 
Potent  Leaders  in  all  Affairs,  and  make  fure  of  them.  If  he 
knew  any  N.  C.  Minifter,  who  had  an  Intereft  in  any  Perfon 
of  Quality,  he  would  engage  that  Minifter  to  Employ  his 
Intereft  on  the  behalf  of  New-England ;  One  way  of  engag- 
ing him,  was  by  Preaching  for  him :  And,  This  alfo  Intro- 
duced him  into  the  fame  Acquaintance.  There  were  feveral 
Noblemen,  who  likewife,  brought  him  into  the  Knowledge 
and  Favour  of  others.  But  none  did  more  for  him  that  way, 
than  that  Cordial  and  Conftant  Lover  of  all  good  Men,  the 
Aged  Lord  Wharton,  who  was  the  laft  furviving  Member  of 
that  Famous  Ajfembly  of  Divines  at  Wejlminfter.  Among 
thofe  Eminent  Perfons,  who  Admitted  him  to  be  Familiar 
with  them,  I  will  particularly  mention  Two  that  were  of  an 
Ecclefeajlical  Character,  for  the  fake  of  the  Good  that  was 
done  to  New-England  by  his  Acquaintance  with  them. 
The  one  was  Dr.  Tillotfon,  the  Arch-Bifliop  of  Canterbury : 
who  did  at  his  Defire,  often  concern  himfelf  to  do  kind 
Offices  for  the  Country,  and  Pray,  both  the  King  and 
Queen  to  put  Marks  of  their  Favour  on  their  Faithful  Sub- 
jects there ;  and  once  he  went  fo  far  as  to  tell  the  King,  It 
would  by  no  means  do  well  for  him  to  take  away  any  of  thofe 
Privileges  from  the  People  of  New-England,  which  K. 
Charles  I.  had  granted  them.  And  indeed  Mr.  Mather 
often  fpoke  of  the  Catholic  Spirit,  with  which  the  Arch- 
Bifhop  of  Canterbury  blamed  the  Conduct  of  his  Predeceffor 
Land,  in  his  Difcourfes  with  him.  The  other  was  Dr.  Bur- 
net, 
(15?) 


[38] 

net,  the  Bifhop  of  Salijbury :  who  befides  many  Real  and 
Weighty  Expreffions  of  his  kindnefs  for  the  Country,  told 
him,  That  he  would  on  the  firft  Opportunity  declare  Openly 
in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  That  there  was  a  greater  Sacrednefs 
in  the  Charter  of  New-England,  than  in  thofe  of  the  Corpo- 
rations in  England  ;  Becaufe  thofe  were  only  Ac~ts  of  Grace, 
whereas  the  Charter  of  New-England  was  a  Contract  between 
the  King  &  the  firft  Patentees :  They  Promifed  the  King  to 
Enlarge  his  Dominions,  on  their  own  Charges,  Provided, 
that  they  and  their  P  ofterity  might  enjoy  fuch  and  fuck  Priv- 
ileges:  They  had  Performed  their  part ;  Now  for  the  King 
to  Deprive  their  Pofterity  of  the  Privileges  therein  Granted 
unto  them,  would  carry  a  Face  of  Inj^iftice  in  it.  A  Lord 
great  in  the  Court,  then  told  Mr.  Mather,  That  his  having 
Engaged  the  Bifhop  of  Salifbury  to  appear  .for  New-Eng- 
land was  the  beft  Jobb  he  had  done  thefe  Seven  Years. 

§.  6.  But  a  Greater  than  any  of  thefe,  muft  not  be  left 
Unfolicited.  Mr.  Mather  was  by  Madam  Lockart^  Intro- 
duced unto  the  QUEEN,  on  Apr.  9.  1691.  and  me  left  him 
alone  with  her  Majefty,  that  he  might  the  more  freely  repre- 
fent  the  cafe  of  New-England  unto  her. 

The  Difcourfe  was,  as  followeth, 

fiftft.  I  do  moft  Humbly  pray  Your  Majefties  Favour  to 
your  Good  Subjects  in  New-England.  There  are  none  in 
the  World  more  in  Your  Intereft  than  they  ;  nor  any  that  do 
with  greater  Devotion  Pray  for  Your  Long  and  Happy 
Reign.  They  have  indeed  been  Expofed  imto  great  Troubles 
on  the  account  of  their  Loyalty  unto  your  Majefty.  For  the 

French 

48  Madam  Lockart  was  undoubt-  of  the  fix  Women  of  the  Bed  Chamber  " 
edly  the  "  Mrs.  Martha  Lockhart  one  in  the  official  lifts  of  1693. 


[39] 

French  at  Canada,  who  have  invaded  them,  and  have  De- 
Jlroyed  feveral  of  their  Plantations,  gave  that  as  the  Reafon 
of  what  they  did;  Becaufe  the  People  there  have  Declared  for 
King  William  and  Queen  Mary.  They  now  only  Pray,  that 
they  may  be  Refettled  in  the  Enjoyment  of  thofe  Privileges, 
which  they  were  P  oJJTeffed  of,  until  the  lajl  Year  of  King 
Charles  II. 

Q  UEEN.  That  matter  has  been  a  Long  Time  before  the 
Council.  I  would  have  that  which  is  Juft  done  for  them  ; 
and  not  only  fo,  but  that  fomething  of  Favour  mould  be 
mown  to  them. 


/  moft  Humbly  Thank  Your  Majefty,  for  the  Kind 
Words  which  Your  Majefty  was  Pleafed  to  Speak  to  my 
Lady  Southerland  about  New-England. 

Q  UEEN.  Mr.  Mather,  I  have  had  a  great  Character  of 
you,  from  my  Lady  Southerland.  I  have  fpoken  to  the  King 
on  the  behalf  of  New-England.  He  told  me,  the  matter  was 
before  the  Council. 


It  has  been  referred  unto  the  Two  Lord  Chief  Juf- 
tices,  with  the  Attorney  and  Sollicitor-General  ;  we  only 
Pray,  that  the  Articles  Approved  by  them,  may  be  Allowed 
and  Confirmed  to  us. 

Q  UEEN.  That  feems  Reafonable  ;  and  I  doubt  not,  but 
it  will  be  done  for  you. 


/  Humbly  beg,  That  your  Majefty  will  Pleafe  to 
Speak  fo  Kind  a  Word  unto  the  King  upon  his  Return. 
You  will  thereby  bring  the  Bleffing  of  the  Prayers  of  a 
Good  People  on  Your  Royal  Per/on  and  Government. 

QUEEN. 

(159) 


[40] 

QUEEN.  I  fhall  be  willing  to  do  all  I  can  for  them. 


U  /  have  Reafon  to  Believe,  that  Your  Good  Subjects 
there  have  been  Mlfreprefented  unto  Your  Majefty.  Some 
that  bear  them  III  Will,  have  Printed  many  Reflections  on 
them. 

QUEEN.  I  have  not  feen  all  the  Pamphlets. 


.  Sr.  William  Phips  has  with  many  of  Your  Majefties 
Subjects,  endeavoured  to  enlarge  Your  Majefties  Dominions  ; 
and  they  are  willing  again  to  expofe  themf  elves  in  Your  Maj- 
efties Service. 

QUEEN.  Are  they  Able  to  do  it  ?     I  hear  they  are  but 
in  a  Bad  Condition. 


[.  They  are  in  a  Bad  Condition;  But  One  great 
Reafon  of  tt  is,  becaufe  their  Government  yet  remains  Un- 
fettled. 

QUEEN.  That  I  Believe  ;  It  muft  needs  be  fo  ! 


U  If  by  your  Majefties  Favour,  they  ftiall  be  Reftored 
unto  their  former  Privileges,  they  will  Revive,  &  become  able 
to  Serve  Your  Majefties  Intereft. 

QUEEN.  I  doubt,  there  have  been  Differences  There,  as 
well  as  Here,  about  Church  Government. 


U  In  New-England  they  are  generally  thofe  that  are 
Called  Non-Conformifts  :  But  they  carry  it  with  all  due 
Refyeft  unto  others :  We  Judge  fome  of  them  to  be  better 
Men  than  ourf elves.  This  Nation  has  caufe  to  Blefs  GOD, 

for 

(160) 


for  the  KING,  and  for  Your  Majefty,  in  regard  of  that 
Act  of  Indulgence,  and  the  Liberty  of  Confcience,  which 
through  Your  Majefties  Favour  we  now  enjoy. 

QUEEN.  Tis  what  I  am  for.  It  is  not  in  the  Power  of 
Men  to  Believe  what  they  Pleafe ;  and  therefore  I  think, 
they  fhould  not  be  forced  in  matters  of  Religion,  contrary 
to  their  Perfwafions  and  their  Cpnfciences.  I  WISH  ALL 
GOOD  MEN  WERE  OF  ONE  MIND;  HOWEVER 
IN  THE  MEAN  TIME,  I  WOULD  HAVE  THEM 
LIVE  PEACEABLY,  AND  LOVE  ONE  ANOTHER. 

O  mentis  Aurece  Verba  bratteata  !  My  ink,  Too  Vile  a 
Liquor  art  thou,  to  Write  fo  Divine  a  Sentence  ! 

§.  7.  Before  the  Month  was  out,  the  King  returned  from 
Holland ' ;  And  though  he  ftaid  but  a  Fortnight  in  England, 
Mr.  Mather  twice  had  the  Honour  of  waiting  on  Him.  The 
firft  time  he  only  Prefented  an  Addrefs  from  the  General 
Court  at  Bofton,  with  a  Petition  from  a  confiderable  Num- 
ber of  Merchants  in  London?*  Praying  that  Charter-Privi- 
leges 

49  The  Order  in  Council,  printed  in  mittee  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  And 

Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  ii.  301-  that  a  Copy  of  the  faid  Addrefs  be  fent 

302,  is  as  follows  :  —  to  the  Agents  of  New  England,  who  are 

to  give  their  Lordfhips  an  account  in 

At  Whitehall  the  gth  of  Aprill,  1691.  writing  of  the  prefent  State  of  the  Mafla- 

chufetts  Colony,  on  Thurfday  next  at 

An  addrefs  to  his  Majefty  from  Five  in  the  afternoon,  when  their  Lord- 
divers  of  the  Gentry,  Merchants  and  mips  are  to  meet,  And  all  perfons  con- 
others  inhabiting  in  Bofton,  Charles  cerned  in  New  England  are  to  haue 
Town,  and  Places  adjacent  in  New  notice  to  attend,  and  particularly  Sir 
England,  having  been  this  day  humbly  William  Phipps,  who  is  then  to  bring 
prefented  by  Sir  Purbeck  Temple  and  to  the  Committee  a  relation  of  the  late 
read  at  the  Board.  It  is  thereupon  proceedings  and  Expedition  of  the  Peo- 
ordered  in  Councill,  That  the  confidera-  pie  of  New  England  againft  Canada, 
tion  thereof  be  referred  to  the  Right  under  his  command.  —  [William  and 
Honourable  The  Lords  of  the  Com-  Mary,  vol.  ii.  149.] 

u  (161) 


[42] 

leges  might  be  Reftored  unto  New-England.  But  Mr. 
Mather  was  defirous  once  more  to  Plead  with  him  for  Fa- 
vour to  his  Country :  and  therefore  by  the  Mediation  of  the 
Duke  of  Devon/hire,  he  was,  on  Apr.  28.  Admitted  a  fecond 
time,  and  it  was  now  into  the  Kings  Bed-Chamber :  Where 
what  then  Faffed  was,  as  followeth. 


/  mq/l  Humbly  Thank  Your  Majejly,  in  that  you 
were  Gracioufly  Pleafed  tofegnify  unto  my  Lord  Devonfhire, 
that  I  might  have  leave  to  wait  on  your  Majefty  on  the  be- 
half of  New-England.  None  of  Your  Subjects,  are  or  can 
be  more  in  Yoitr  Interefts  than  They ;  None  Pray  more 
Heartily  for  Your  Long  Life,  and  your  Happy  Reign,  and 
the  Succefs  of  Your  Arms. 

KING.  Syr,  What  do  you  Defire,  that  I  mould  do  for 
them ! 


May  it  Pleafe  Your  Majejly,  That  they  may  be 
Rejlored  unto  their  Ancient  Privileges  ;  and  that  their  Set- 
tlement may  be  Expedited.  They  have  an  Humble  Confi- 
dence, that  through  Your  Majejly  s  Goodnefs,  they  Jhall  be 
made  Happy,  in  having  their  Ancient  Privileges  Rejlored 
unto  them  ;  which  will  Oblige  Your  Subjects  there  to  be  Yoztr 
Servants  forever.  Your  Majejly  has  been  Gracioufly  Pleafed 
to  refer  the  Confederation  of  this  Affair  to  the  Two  Lord- 
Chief -Juftices,  with  the  Attorney  and  So  Hid  for  General. 
We  only  Pray  Humbly,  that  what  they  have  thought  Reaf on- 
able  for  us  to  Dejire,  may  be  Granted  by  Your  Majejly. 

KING.  I  Expect  within  two  or  three  Days,  to  have 
a  Report  from  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and 
Plantations ;  and  then  mall  fee  what  may  be  done. 

JUa. 

(162) 


[43] 


Your  Majefties  Subjects  have  been  willing  to  Venture 
their  Lives  that  they  may  enlarge  Your  Dominions :  And  are 
willing  to  do  the  like  again,  if  Your  Majefty  Encourage 
them.  Will  Your  Majefty  Pleafe,  in  Your  Great  Wifdom, 
to  conjider  the  Circumftances  of  that  People ;  as  in  Your 
Wifdom  you  have  conjider ed  the  Circumftances  of  England 
and  of  Scotland.  In  New  England  they  differ  from  other 
Plantations ;  They  are  fuch  as  are  called  Congregational 
and  Pref  byterian.  6V?  that  fuch  a  Governour  will  not  fuit 
with  the  People  of  New  England,  as  may  be  very  Proper  for 
the  other  Englifti  Plantations. 

Having  fo  fpoken,  he  bowed  unto  the  King ;  who  then 
retired  into  his  Clofet 

Two  Days  after  this,  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  Pro- 
pofed 50  unto  the  KING,  whether  he  would  have  the  People 

of 


60  The  Order  in  Council,  printed  in 
Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  ii.  302, 
is  as  follows  :  — 

At  Whitehall,  the  3oth  of  Aprill,  1691. 
Prefent,  The  King's  moft  excellent 
Majefty.  His  Royall  Highnefs  Prince 
George  of  Denmark,  Prefident  of  the 
Council. 

His  Majefty  hauing  upon  the  applica- 
tion of  the  Agents  of  the  MafTachufetts 
Bay  in  New  England,  thought  fit  to 
referr  the  draught  of  a  new  Charter  for 
that  Colony,  unto  the  Right  Honour- 
able the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of 
Trade  and  Plantations,  And  their  Lord- 
fhips  having,  upon  consideration  thereof, 
this  day  reported  to  His  Majefty  that 
they  humbly  conceived  it  neceiTary  that 
before  there  be  any  further  proceedings 
relating  to  that  Charter,  His  Majefty 
would  declare  whether  it  be  His  royall 
pleafure  to  haue  a  Governor  or  fingle 
reprefentative  of  his  own  appointment, 
from  time  to  time,  to  give  his  confent 
to  all  Laws  and  Acts  of  Government, 


as  in  Barbados  and  the  other  Planta- 
tions, or  whether  his  Majefty  would 
leave  the  power  of  making  laws  to  the 
People,  or  Officers  appointed  by  them. 
And  his  Majefty  upon  debate  of  this 
matter  having  been  acquainted  that  the 
former  Charter  of  the  Maflachufetts 
Bay  flood  legally  vacated,  And  that  the 
Agents  of  that  Colony  had  defired  a 
new  Charter  from  his  Majefty,  with 
divers  variations  from  the  former  Char- 
ter ;  His  Majefty  was  thereupon  pleafed 
to  declare  in  Councill,  That  he  did  re- 
folve  to  fend  a  Governor  of  his  own 
nomination  and  appointment  for  the 
adminiftration  of  the  Government  of 
the  Maflachufetts  Colony,  as  in  Barba- 
•dos  and  other  Plantations.  And  did 
further  order,  as  it  is  hereby  ordered, 
That  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  of  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions do  forthwith  prepare  the  draught 
of  a  new  Charter  upon  that  foundation, 
for  the  fpeedy  fettlement  of  the  faid 
Colony.  —  [William  and  Mary,  vol.  ii. 


[44] 

of  New-England,  make  what  Laws,  and  Appoint  what 
Officers  They  Pleafed  ?  Or,  Whether  He  would  not  appoint 
a  Governour  of  His  own,  that  fhould  have  a  Negative  Voice 
on  all  Acts  of  Government?  The  King  was  very  In- 
quifitive  to  know,  whether  he  might  without  any  Breach  of 
Law,  fet  a  Governour  over  that  Colony  ?  Diverfe  Lords  of 
the  Council,  and  fome  of  the  Judges,  anfwered,  That  what- 
ever might  be  the  Merit  of  the  Caufe,  inafmuch  as  the 
Charter  of  the  Maffachufet-Colony  ftood  Vacated  by  a  Judg- 
ment againft  it,  it  was  in  his  Power  to  put  them  under  what 
Form  of  Government  he  mould  think  beft  for  them.  The 
King  then  faid,  That  he  was  Defirous  to  Promote  the  Wel- 
fare of  New-England  as  well  as  of  England ;  and  that  he 
Believed  it  would  be  for  the  Advantage  of  the  Subjects  in 
that  Colony  to  be  under  a  Governour  appointed  by  himfelf : 
but  that  he  would  have  the  Agents  of  New-England  Nomi- 
nate a  Perfon  that  mould  be  Agreable  to  the  Inclinations 
of  the  People  there :  And  that  notwithftanding  This,  he 
would  have  Charter-Privileges  Rejlored  and  Confirmed  unto 
them. 

§.  8.  The  next  Day,  the  King  began  his  Voyage  to  Hol- 
land :  but  an  Order  of  Council  was  drawn  up,  [  Who  can  tell, 
How,  or  Why  ?~\  for  a  Charter  to  be  Prepared,  with  fome- 
thing  in  it,  very  Difagreable  to  Mr.  Mather;  who  immedi- 
ately waited  upon  Four  or  Five  Lords  of  His  Majefties  molt 
Honourable  Privy-Council  with  his  Remonftrances ;  Every 
one  of  which  Declared,  that  in  their  Opinion,  it  was  not 
worded  according  to  His  Majefties  Intentions.  He  alfo 
caufed  a  Copy  of  the  Order  to  be  tranfmitted  unto  One  of 
his  Majefties  Principal  Secretaries  of  State  then  with  Him 
in  Flanders ;  Praying,  That  if  that  Order  were  not  according 
to  the  Kings  Mind,  His  Majefty  would  Gracioufly  Pleafe  to 
Signify  His  Difapprobation  thereof :  But  no  fuch  Significa- 
tion 
(164) 


[45] 

tion  ever  came.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Attorney  General, 
Prepared  a  Draught  of  a  Charter  according  to  what  he  took 
to  be  the  Kings  Mind,  as  Expreffed  when  His  Majefty  was 
laft  in  Council.  In  this  Draught,  the  Freemen  (and  not  all 
Free-holders)  had  Power  to  choofe  the  Deputy-Governour, 
and  the  other  General  Officers  ;  And  the  Kings  Governour 
had  not  a  Negative  Voice  in  any  cafe  allow'd  unto  him. 
The  Draught  being  prefented  at  the  Council-Board,  it  was 
by  fome  Objected,  That  by  fuch  a  Charter  as  this,  the  Kings 
Governour  would  be  made  a  Governour  of  Clouts :  And  Order 
was  given  for  other  Minutes  to  be  Inferted,  which  Deprived 
the  Maffachufet-Colony  of  fome  very  Confiderable  Privileges 
in  their  former  Charter.  The  Secretary  gave  Mr.  Mather  a 
Copy  of  them,  with  an  Order  from  their  Lordfhips,  That  if 
the  Agents  for  the  MaJJachufet-Colony  were  not  Satisfied, 
they  mould  bring  in  their  Objections  to  Mr.  Attorney  Gen- 
eral. Mr.  Mather  on  this  occafion  Expreffed  his  Diffatif- 
faclion  to  the  Attorney-General,  with  a  Pathos,  that  upon 
Reflection  he  thought  might  be  too  Extraordinary :  Earn- 
eftly  Protefting,  That  he  would  fooner  part  with  his  Life 
than  Confent  unto  fuch  Minutes,  or  unto  any  thing  that 
might  Infringe  any  Liberty  or  Privilege  that  juftly  belong'd 
unto  his  Country.  The  like  Declaration  he  made  unto 
feveral  of  the  Chief  Minifters ;  who  all  replied.  That  no 
body  Expected  or  Defired  his  Confent :  for  they  did  not 
look  on  the  Agents  from  New-England,  as  Plenipotentiaries 
from  another  Sovereign  State  ;  But  that  if  they  Declared, 
they  would  not  Submit  unto  the  Kings  Pleafure,  His  Maj- 
efty would  fettle  the  Country  as  He  Pleafed,  and  They  were 
to  take  what  would  follow.  However,  Mr.  Mather  drew  up 
Reafons  againft  the  Minutes  Propofed ;  and  particularly 
urged,  That  Charter-Privileges  might  with  as  much  (if  not 
more)  of  Juftice,  be  withheld  from  the  Corporations  in  Eng- 
land which  were  never  legally  Reftored,  as  from  New-Eng- 
land: 
.  (165) 


[46] 

land:  with  feveral  other  Arguments.  Thefe  Reafons  he 
Delivered  in  Writing  to  the  Kings  Attorney-General,  who 
Prefented  them  unto  the  Lords  at  the  Council-Board ;  and 
he  alfo  caufed  a  Copy  of  them  to  be  fent  unto  the  King  in 
Flanders ;  Procuring  fome  Great  Perfons  at  the  fame  time, 
to  follicit  by  Letters,  the  Miniflers  of  State  with  the  King, 
that  they  would  ufe  their  Intereft  with  His  Majefty,  to  pre- 
vent any  thing  that  might  be  grievous  to  His  Good  Subjects 
in  New-England.  Some  thought,  that  if  the  King  were  in 
England,  there  might  be  more  likelihood  of  Stopping  the 
Difagreable  and  Undefireable  Minutes  ;  and  the  Queen  was 
therefore  Prevailed  withal,  to  Write  unto  the  King,  requeft- 
ing  him,  That  He  would  Gracioufly  Command,  that  the 
Charter  mould  pafs  as  the  Attorney-General  had  prepared 
it,  or  elfe  that  it  mould  be  deferr'd  until  His  Majefties  com- 
ing over.  Mr.  Mather  taking  it  for  granted,  That  he  might 
get  fome  Leifure  to  recover  his  Health,  which  had  been 
greatly  Impaired,  by  his  Neglect  both  of  Re/I  and  Food  in 
his  clofe  Attendance  to  the  Service  of  his  Country,  made  a 
fhort  Recefs  unto  the  Wafers.  But  he  was  quickly  furprized, 
with  Notice,  that  the  King  had  fignified  His  Approbation 
of  the  Minutes,  and  His  Royal  Pleafure,  that  the  Charter 
fhould  be  accordingly  forthwith  proceeded  in.  His  Maj- 
efties Principal  Secretary  of  State  fhewed  Mr.  Mather  the 
Letter,  wherein  the  King  alfo  Declared,  That  he  did  by  no 
means  Approve  of  the  Objections,  which  had  been  offered. 
When  there  could  no  more  Good  be  done,  what  remain'd 
was  to  ftave  off  Harm  as  far  as  might  be  ;  and  in  Purfu- 
ance  of  This,  he  Prefented  a  Petition,  That  no  Property 
belonging  to  the  Colony,  or  to  any  therein,  might  by  the 
New  Charter  be  taken  from  them,  nor  any  Privileges  which 
they  had  a  Right  to  ;  That  the  Province  of  Main  might  be 
confirmed,  and  Nova  Scotia  added  unto  the  Maj[/achufetts  : 
(Both  of  which  were  obtain'd  againft  much  Oppofition :) 

And, 

(166) 


[47] 

And,  That  HampJJtire  might  be  under  that  Government : 
(But  This  was  refufed,  becaufe  it  was  declared,  That  the 
People  there  had  expreffed  a  great  Averfion  for  it.)  Juft  at 
this  Time,  he  received  Letters  from  the  General  Court 
of  Plymouth-Colony,  which  Thanked  him  for  his  Preventing 
their  being  annexed  unto  New  York,  which  had  been  above 
a  Year  before  if  he  had  been  out  of  the  way ;  and  Pray'd, 
That  if  they  might  not  be  confirmed  as  a  Diftinc~l  Govern- 
ment among  themfelves,  he  would,  for  the  Lords  fake, 
endeavour  to  get  them  annexed  unto  Bofton;  And  This  was 
accomplifhed.  When  the  New  Charter  was  finifhed,  and 
had  been  Read  before  the  Lords,  he  pray'd,  that  he  might 
fee  it ;  becaufe  there  might  be  fome  Claufes  in  it,  which 
their  Lordfhips  might  upon  a  Suggeftion  of  Reafons  for  it, 
think  proper  to  alter ;  and  perhaps  there  might  be  fomething 
Added  for  the  Good  of  the  People,  which  their  Lordfhips 
might  alfo  be  Pleafed  withal ;  which  Requeft  was  granted, 
with  a  Limitation  of  Three  Days  for  the  Return  of  the 
Copy.  Upon  his  motion,  the  Phrafe  of  Corporal  Oath  was 
altered,  that  fo  no  Snare  might  be  laid  for  any  who  might 
Scruple  Swearing  on  the  Book.  A  claufe  was  added,  Con- 
firming all  Grants  made  by  the  General  Court  notwithftand- 
ing  any  Defec~l  that  might  attend  the  Form  of  Conveyance  ; 
that  fo  mens  Titles  to  their  Lands  might  not  be  Invalidated, 
only  for  that  the  Laws  which  gave  them  their  Right,  had 
not  paffed  under  the  Public  Seal  in  the  Time  of  the  former 
Government.  Some  other  Alterations  he  pray'd  for ;  but 
could  not  Obtain  them.  Thus  was  the  New  Charter 
Finifhed!51 


51  This  defence  of  Mather's  aftion  296.      The  account    in    Hutchinfon's 

in  accepting  the  charter  is  fet  forth  in  Hiftory,  vol.  i.,  ftiould  alfo  be  confulted 

a  publication  made  after  his  return,  and  by  the  reader, 
printed  in  our  fecond  volume,  pp.  271- 

(167) 


[48] 

§.9-  NOW  came  on  a  Strange  Queftion :  Whether  the 
Agents  for  the  Country  Jhould  Submit  unto  this  NEW 
CHAR  TER  ?  Or,  in  hopes  of  Obtaining  at  fome  time  or 
other  a  Reverjion  of  the  Judgment  againjl  the  OLD 
CHARTER,  Signify  to  the  Mini/lers  of  State,  that  they 
had  rather  have  NO  -CHARTER  at  all,  than  fuch  an  one 
as  was  now  Propofed  ! 

On  this  occafion,  Mr.  Mather  advifed  with  as  many  Un- 
prejudiced and  Judicious  Perfons  as  he  could  ;  with  Noble- 
men, Gentlemen,  Divines,  and  Lawyers ;  and  with  the  Beft 
Friends  New-England  had  in  the  World.  They  ALL 
agreed,  That  it  was  a  Duty,  to  accept  of  the  Offered 
CHARTER ;  And  fome  greatly  wondred  at  them  that 
mould  make  any  Queftion  of  it :  and  were  almoft  ready  to 
fay  of  them,  as  Plato  in  his  Philebus  does  of  fome  who 
made  a  Queftion  of  another  matter ;  Let  them  be  Committed 
unto  the  Care  of  fome  Learned  Phyjician,  who  by  wholefome 
Phyjic  may  rejlore  their  Heads  unto  a  better  Temper. 

A  Peremptory  Refufal,  would  have  brought  a  Fatal  Ruin 
on  the  Country ;  and  the  Blame  would  have  been  laid 
on  thofe,  who  when  they  could  not  Obtain  all  they  would 
have,  would  Refufe  what  they  might  have  had. 

The  Lawyers  declared,  That  a  paffive  SubmiJJion  here, 
had  nothing  of  a  Surrender  in  it ;  for  here  was  nothing  of 
Hand  and  Seal  in  the  Cafe.  Befides,  Judgment  was  already 
Entred  and  Recorded  againft  the  Old  Charter.  And  a 
taking  up  with  the  New  Charter,  did  not  render  the  Colony 
uncapable  of  recovering  their  Old  Privileges  if  there  fhould 
be  a  favourable  Opportunity  to  Sollicit  for  it. 

At  prefent,  there  was  no  Poffibility  of  getting  a  Reverjion 
of  the  Judgment  againft  the  Old  Charter. 

Yea,  and  it  was  confidered,  That  the  Old  Charter  was  on 
more  Accounts  than  One,  fo  very  Defective,  that  without  a 

Grant 

(168) 


[49] 

Grant  of  Additional  Privileges,  it  would  have  left  the 
Colony  under  Infupportable  Infelicities. 

By  it,  the  MaJJachufet-Government  had  no  more  power 
than  the  Ordinary  Corporations  have  in  England ;  But 
thofe  Corporations  have  no  power  in  Capital  Cafes.  Though 
Corporations  have  Power  given  them  in  Criminal,  yet  they 
have  not  in  Capital  Cafes,  except  it  be  Exprejjly  Declared ; 
which  it  was  not  here. 

The  Old  Charter  directed  not  an  Houfe  of  Deputies,  or 
AJJembly  of  Reprefentatives. 

Nor  did  it  give  Power  unto  the  Governour  and  Company 
to  Impofe  Taxes  on  any  but  the  Free-men. 

And  it  knew  not  Courts  of  Admiralty ;  So  that  if  the 
New  Charter  have  them  not,  it  is  not  the  Lofs  of  the  Old 
One  that  has  Loft  them.  Yea,  The  Deficiencies  were  fo 
many,  That  the  Kings  Attorney  General  declared,  the  Two 
Lord-Chief-Juftices  and  Sollicitor-General  Concurring  with 
him  ;  That  Suppofing  the  Judgment  againft  the  MaJ/acku- 
fet-Charter  to  be  Reverfed,  yet,  if  the  Government  fhould 
exert  fuch  Powers  as  before  the  Quo  Warranto  againft  the 
Charter  they  tho't  it  neceffary  to  do,  there  would  now  be  a 
Writ  of  Scire  facias  iffued  out  againft  them  in  Wejlminjler 
Hall,  and  their  Charter-Privileges  would  undoubtedly  be 
taken  from  them. 

It  was  moreover  Confidered,  That  if  the  Judgment  againft 
the  Old  Charter  had  been  fully  Reverfed  by  A£l  of  Parlia- 
ment, (which  Mr.  Mather  had  fo  much  Laboured  for,)  the 
Maffachufet-Colony  would,  for  all  that,  have  been  reduced 
into  Miferable  Circumftances. 

The  Province  of  Main,  as  to  the  Government,  would 
have  been  taken  from  them.  Hampjhire  and  Plymouth 
would  have  been  put  under  a  Governour  fent  from  England. 
This  Governour  would  have  had  the  Power  of  the  Militia, 

as 

v  (169) 


[So] 

as  well  as  the  Courts  of  Admiralty,  in  the  Maffachufet- 
Colony. 

How  much  of  its  Trade  had  Bofton  Loft  ?  What  an 
Infignificant  Atom  had  the  Colony  been  Squeez'd  into ! 
If  they  had  Exerted  Powers,  without  which  they  could  not 
have  Comfortably  or  Tolerably  Subfifted,  Perpetual  Com- 
plaints would  have  been  made  againft  them.  It's  probable 
They  would  have  been  at  more  Charge  every  Year,  to 
anfwer  Complaints,  than  they  would  have  been  to  Support 
their  Governotir.  And  how  long  muft  they  have  lain  under 
their  Impotency,  Saying,  Syr,  I  have  no  Man  to  help  me  ! 

Befides  all  this ;  If  the  Agents  of  the  Colony,  had  figni- 
fied  unto  the  Minifters  of  State,  that  they  had  rather  have 
No  Charter  at  all,  than,  This  which  the  King  had  now 
granted,  Who  would  have  been  Immediately  made  the  Gov- 
ernour?  Who  the  Lieutenant-Governour?  Whofae  moft 
of  the  Counfellers  ?  And  the  Governour  would  have  had 
Power,  as  in  the  other  Plantations,  to  Appoint  General 
Officers.  What  the  Confequence  of  This  at  that  Angry 
Time  ?  Dicat  Neo-Eboracum  ! 

There  were  alfo  Perfons,  who  were  feeking  Patents  for  all 
the  Mines,  and  Gums,  and  fome  other  Valuables,  in  the 
Country;  whofe  Expectations,  nothing  but  the  New  Char- 
ter gave  a  Defeat  unto. 

But,  Let  us  come  to  the  NEW  CHARTER,  THIS 
grants  Great  Privileges  to  the  People  of  New-England ; 
and  fome  Greater  than  what  they  formerly  Enjoy'd. 

They  have  all  Engli/h  Liberties  Reftored  unto  them. 
They  can  have  no  Laws  Impofed,  nor  Taxes  Levied  on 
them,  without  their  own  Confent,  by  Reprefentatives  chofen 
by  themfelves. 

Religion  is  forever  Secured  ;  A  Righteous  and  Generous 
Liberty  of  Confcience  Eftablifhed.  And  the  General  Affem- 

bly 
(170) 


bly  may  by  their  Ac~ls,  give  a  Dijlinguifhing  Encouragement 
unto  that  Religion,  which  is  the  General  ProfeJJion  of  the 
Inhabitants. 

They  may  flill  have  their  Judges  as  at  the  firft,  and  their 
Counfellours  as  at  the  Beginning,  if  the  Fault  be  not  their 
own.  As  long  as  their  Principal  Majeftrates,  and  Juftices, 
favour  and  exprefs  Piety,  and  abhor  and  punifh  Wickednefs, 
tis  to  be  hoped,  Religion  will  be  kept  in  Heart.  And  if 
they  have  not  fuch,  the  Fault  will  not  be  in  the  New-Char- 
ter, but  in  Themfetves.  Behold,  A  wall  of  Defence  about 
the  Vineyard! 

Now  the  Maffachufet-Colony  is  made  a  Province,  the 
General  Ajffembly  hath,  with  the  Kings  Approbation,  a 
Power  in  New-England,  like  what  .the  King  and  Parliament 
have  in  England ;  and  may  do  abundance  of  Important 
Things,  which  could  not  be  done  by  vertue  of  the  Former 
Charter:  And  the  Country  may  alfo  look  for  more  Protec- 
tion and  Affiftance  from  England,  than  under  That. 

Suppofe  a  Stork  mould  get  a  Commiffion  for  the  Gov- 
ernment ;  What  can  fuch  a  Governour  do  ?  He  cannot, 
without  the  Confent  of  the  Council  chofen  by  the  Reprefent- 
atives  of  the  People,  appoint  Sheriffs  to  pack  Juries  for  him, 
or  Judges  that  will  Difpleafe  GOD  rather  than  him.  He 
can't  give  any  Man  any  Difturbance  for  his  Religion,  with- 
out Violating  the  Magna  Charta  of  New-England.  He 
can't  exert  any  of  the  Violences,  under  which  there  were 
heard,  The  Groans  of  the  Plantations  in  the  Days  of  K. 
James,  II.  When,  the  People  of  New-England  would  have 
given,  who  can  fay,  how  many  Thoufands  of  Pounds,  for 
fuch  a  Charter  as  they  now  have  before  them  ? 

The  Kings  Governour  has  indeed  a  Negative  in  all  Acts 
of  Government ;  (And  indeed  all  Government  forever  implies 
a  Negative :)  which  renders  the  Government  of  New-Eng- 
land lefs  Democratical  than  once  it  was.  Neverthelefs,  the 

People 
(170 


[52] 

People  have  a  Negative  upon  him  :  In  which  refpecl:,  New- 
England  is  by  the  NEW  CHARTER  more  Privileged, 
than  Ireland,  or  than  any  other  Englifh  Plantation,  or  than 
even  England  itfelf. 

Appeals  to  England  are  allow'd  in  the  New-Charter,  but 
only  in  Perfonal,  (not  at  all  in  Real  or  Mixed}  Actions, 
where  the  matter  of  Difference,  is  of  above  Three  Hundred 
Pound  Sterling  in  Value :  So  that  as  to  Titles  of  Land, 
there  cannot  be  any  Appeals  to  England:  They  have  a 
Final  Determination  in  Courts  of  Judicature  among  them- 
felves. 

The  Laws  Ena6led  by  the  General  Court,  are,  tis  true,  to 
be  tranfmitted  unto  the  King  for  His  Royal  Approbation  : 
But  thofe  Laws,  when  made,  are  in  Force,  affoon  as  they 
are  made ;  and  until  fuch  Time  as  they  are  Difallow'd  by 
the  King :  And  if  within  the  fpace  of  Three  Years  the 
Kings  Difapprobation  be  not  Signified,  the  Laws  are  Per- 
petual until  the  General  Court  mall  Repeal  them.  Now  by 
the  Old  Charter,  the  Governour  and  Company  might  not 
make  any  Laws  Repugnant  unto  the  Laws  of  England ;  and 
the  Laws  which  have  Reafon  and  Juftice  in  them,  under  the 
New  Charter,  need  not  fear  lofing  the  Royal  Allowance,  if 
the  People  be  not  Egregioufly  wanting  to  themfelves. 

Upon  the  whole,  The  Perfons  of  the  moft  Confummate 
Wifdom  that  Mr.  Mather  could  confult  withal,  agreed 
in  This  ;  Take  your  NEW-CHARTER  and  be  Thankful 
for  it!  The  moft  fenfible  Men  added,  That  as  Poor  a 
Charter  as  wanton  and  froward  Minds  might  think  it,  if  any 
People  of  Sway  in  the  Country  mould  be  fo  under  the  Sting 
of  an  Hornet  as  to  do  thofe  Ram  and  Mad  Things,  which 
may  procure  the  Lofs  of  the  Privileges  which  it  brings  unto 
them,  the  reft  of  the  People  will  certainly  have  little  Honour 
for  the  Memory  of  the  Unhappy  Men,  who  have  been  the 
Inftruments  of  bringing  fuch  Mifcheifs  upon  them.  Among 

the 
(172) 


[S3] 

the  reft,  that  Sagacious  and  Ingenious  Perfon,  Praefident 
Bond  of  Barbadoes  (then  at  London}  faid  unto  him  :  What 
ivould  not  we  in  our  IJlands  give  for  fuch  a  Charter  as 
yours  !  And  the  famous  Mr.  Matthew  Mead  then  wrote 
unto  the  Perfon  who  is  now  Writing  about  the  Faithful 
Agent,  If  Men  Reward  not  his  Great  Work,  and  Labour  of 
Love,  I  am  fure,  GOD  will.  What  he  has  done  has  not 
been  without  the  Counfel  and  Advice  of  the  Beft  Friends 
New-England  has:  Parliament-men,  Lawyers  and  Min- 
ifters. 

§.  10.  Wherefore,  not  only  on  O£l.  23.  upon  the  Kings 
Return  to  England,  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  introduced 
him,  only  to  kifs  the  Kings  Hand,  &  bid  him,  Welcome  to 
England  again  :  when  the  King  at  the  firft  fight  of  him, 
fmiled  on  him,  &  fteping  afide  unto  him,  faid,  /  am  very 
glad  to  fee  you,  Syr  !  But  alfo  on  Nov.  4.  the  fame  Noble 
Perfon  Introduced  him  again  to  His  Majefty,  the  Earls  of 
Devon  and  Portland,  being  alfo  Prefent.  He  then  faid,  / 
do  on  the  behalf  of  New-England  moft  humbly  thank  your 
Majejly,  in  that  you  have  been  P  leafed  by  a  CHARTER  to 
Rejlore  Englifh  Liberties  unto  them;  To  Confirm  them  in 
their  Properties  ;  and,  To  grant  them  fome  fengular  Privi- 
leges. I  doubt  not,  but  that  your  Subjects  there  will  demean 
themf elves  with  fuch  a  Dutiful  Affection  and  Loyalty  tow- 
ards your  Majejly,  as  that  You  will  fee  caufe  to  enlarge 
Yoiir  Royal  Favours  towards  them.  And  I  do  mojl  humbly 
Thank  your  Majejly  in  that  You  have  been  Pleafed  to  give 
leave  unto  thofe  that  are  concerned  for  New-England,  to 
Nominate  their  Governour.  Sr.  William  Phips  has  been 
accordingly  Nominated  by  us  at  the  Council-Board:  Who 
has  done  a  Good  Service  for  the  Crown  by  enlarging  Your 
Dominions,  and  reducing  of  Nova  Scotia  to  Your  Obedience. 
I  know,  that  he  will  Faithfully  Serve  Your  Majejly  to  the 

utmq/l 
(173) 


[54] 

utmoft  of  his  Capacity;  And  if  Your  Maje/ly  JJiall  think 
fit  to  confirm  him,  in  that  Place,  it  will  be  a  further  Obliga- 
tion on  Your  SubjeEls  there.  The  KING  replied,  IJhall 
take  that  Colony  under  my  Protection,  and  IJJiall  do  what  is 
in  me  for  their  Encouragement,  and  I  Jhall  take  what  con- 
cerns the  Government  there  into  my  Confederation. 

§.  ii.  And  now,  Mr.  Mathers  Agency  for  his  Country  in 
the  Court  of  England  is  drawing  towards  its  Period,  it  will 
be  time  to  enquire,  whether  his  being  fo  Plunged  into 
a  Converfation  with  Great  Men,  and  with  all  Sorts  of  Men, 
and  his  Overwhelming  Sollicitude  about  Civil  Interefts  [In 
Ordine  ad  Spiritualia  ;  For,  The  Care  of  the  Churches,  was 
what  lay  at  the  Bottom  of  all!]  did  not  Interrupt  thofe 
Interviews  with  Heaven,  which  he  had  formerly  been  ufed 
unto ;  and  Incommode  that  courfe  of  Real,  Vital,  Watchful 
PIETY,  which  he  had  formerly  Maintained?  Far  from 
it!  But  above  all,  that  Breath  of  PIETY,  his  Old  ftrokes 
of  Inceffant  PRAYER,  was  kept  in  its  Unintermitted  Ref- 
pirations  with  him. 

It  is  a  little  Obfervable  That  though  Homer,  by  firft  In- 
troducing the  Gods  as  having  the  fame  Vicious  Characters, 
and  Actions  with  miferable  Mortals,  Proved  one  of  the 
Greater!  Apoflles  the  Devil  ever  had  in  the  World ;  yet  the 
Teftimonies  born  to  many  Points  of  Morality  in  his  Famous 
and  Wondrous  Epic  Poem,  are  numberlefs.  But  there  is 
nothing  more  worthy  of  Obfervation  in  the  Iliad,  than  This  ; 
That  he  will  Recommend  Prayer  to  Heaven  as  a  mofl  necef- 
fary  Preface  unto  all  Important  Enterprizes :  and  he  never 
Speaks  of  any  Prayer,  but  he  brings  in  a  Gracious  Anfwer 
to  it.  I  have  feen  the  Quill  of  an  High-flyer  Scoffing  at 
Homer  for  this,  as  making  his  Heros  to  be  of  the  fame 
Religion  with  the  DiJJ'enters  in  our  Nation.  And  yet,  what 
has  Homer  done,  but  Juftified  the  Wifdom  in  the  Maxims  of 

our 
(174) 


[55] 

our  Holy  REDEEMER,  with  a  Confeffion  from  that  Nat- 
ural Confcience,  which  fuch  Scoffers  of  the  La/I  Days  have 
Silenced  ?  Let  them  Scoff  on,  if  they  Pleafe ;  while  I  go  on 
to  relate,  That  I  find  Mr.  Mather  ftill  in  his  Good  old  way, 
of  Setting  apart  whole  Days  for  Secret  Supplications  to  the 
Glorious  GOD ;  Efpecially,  when  Critical  Hours  for  our 
Affairs  were  coming  on.  In  thefe  Days,  I  find  him  fome- 
times,  under  thofe  Afflations  from  Heaven,  which  affured 
him,  That  he  flwuld  Return  to  New-England,  with  Good 
Tidings  for  the  People  there.  When  he  faw  his  Defigns 
Croft,  and  his  Labours  Loft,  in  his  purfuit  of  the  Old  Char- 
ter, it  greatly  Perplexed  him  to  fee  what  look'd  unto  him,  as 
if  his  Prayer  and  Faith  were  Baffled.  But  GOD  was  Gra- 
cioufly  doing  better  than  he  Imagined,  for  him,  and  for  his 
People,  whom  the  Old  Charter,  (as  it  was)  would  not  have 
near  fo  well  Accommodated  (as  things  go)  as  what  is  now 
Obtained  for  them.  Nor  was  he  without  his  whole  Days  for 
Secret  Thankfgivings,  when  GOD  had  Remarkably  fmiled 
upon  him.  And  he  would  fometimes  (after  a  well-known 
Pattern  in  the  Bible,)  prevail  with  his  Friends  to  meet,  and 
Fajl  and  Pray,  when  he  was  to  go  in  unto  the  King:  Or 
when  our  Affairs  had  any  dark  Obftruclions  upon  them. 
Yea,  fuch  was  the  Sanctity  and  Purity  of  his  Good  Conver- 
fation  in  CHRIST,  that  wherever  he  Lodged,  the  Families 
felt  Piety  Practically  and  Powerfully  Commended  unto  them. 
Among  other  Inftances  of  this ;  The  Young  Gentlewoman 
that  waited  on  him,  at  Mr.  Whitings  in  Copt-hall  Court, 
was  by  what  fhe  faw  in  him,  and  heard  from  him  fo  brought 
home  to  GOD,  that  afterwards,  when  fhe  was  Married,  me 
gave  the  World  a  lafting  Teftimony  of  her  Gratitude,  in  the 
Remembrance  of  the  Good  which  her  Converted  Soul  had 
received  from  him.  He  likewife  rarely  Omitted  Preaching 
on  the  Lords-Days :  for  which,  in  Honour  to  his  Country 
he  would  accept  of  no  Gratuities  ;  but  Obliged  the  Minifters 

to 
(175) 


[56] 

to  do  Good  Offices  for  his  Country.  Once  a  Month,  he 
Preached  with  Dr.  Bates,  at  Hackney:  who  though  he  were 
a  Perfon  of  fo  Catholic  ja  Spirit,  had  one  of  the  Smalleft  and 
Pureft  Churches  about  the  City ;  with  which  he  chofe  to 
have  his  more  Conftant  Communion  at  the  Holy  Table : 
And  the  Doctor  told  his  People,  That  if  Mr.  Mather  might 
be  detained  in  England,  he  had  rather  have  him  joined  with 
him  in  the  Pajloral  Charge,  than  any  man  in  the  World. 

§.  1 2.  But,  mall  we  go  on  to  enquire,  whether  the  People 
of  New-England,  were  the  only  People,  that  were  ferved  by 
him  ?  No,  There  was  a  Special  Service,  of  a  greater  extent, 
wherein  His  Glorious  Lord  Employed  and  Honoured  him. 
There  was  an  Happy  UNION  accomplifhed  between  thofe 
Two  Religious  Parties,  which  go  under  the  Names  of 
Prejbyterian,  and  Congregational ;  and  which  had  through 
Devices  of  the  Great  Adverfary,  kept  at  more  of  a  Needlefs 
Diftance  from  each  other,  than  they  fliould  have  done.  Dr. 
Annejley  and  Mr.  Vincent  and  others,  often  Declared,  That 
this  Union  would  never  have  been  Effected,  if  Mr.  Mather 
had  not  been  among  them ;  and  they  often  therefore  Bleffed 
GOD,  for  bringing  him  to  England,  and  keeping  him  there. 
He  had  Thanks  from  the  Country,  as  well  as  the  City  on 
that  Account :  And  among  the  reft,  a  General  Affembly  of 
Minifters  in  Devon,  fent  up  to  London  this  Inftrument. 

'  Junij  22.  1691.  Agreed,  That  the  Reverend  Mr.  John 
'  Flavel,  Moderator  of  this  Affembly  fend  unto  the  Reverend 

*  Mr.  Matthew  Mead,  Mr.  John  How,  and  Mr.  Increafe  Ma- 

*  ther,  and  give  Them,  and  fuch  Others  as  have  been  Emi- 
'  nently  Inftrumental  in  Promoting  the  Union,  the  Thanks 
'of  this  Affembly,  for  the   great   Pains  they  have   taken 
'  therein. 

And  fince  it  is  Proper  to  be  mention'd  fomewhere,  why 
may  I  not  bring  in  the  mention  of  it  Here?  While  Mr. 

Mather 
(176) 


[57] 

Mather  was  in  London,  he  Cultivated  a  fmgular  Friendfhip 
and  Freedom,  with  that  very  Great  Man,  Mr.  Baxter,  who 
treated  him  with  a  Deference,  which  he  paid  unto  few  other 
Men.  In  this  Acquaintance,  Mr.  Baxter  not  only  made 
this  Generous  Requeft  unto  Mr.  Mather,  Syr,  If  you  find 
any  Errors  in  any  of  my  Writings,  I  requeft  you  to  ConfzUe 
them,  after  I  am  Dead ;  But  alfo  made  unto  him  a  very 
Refpeclful  Dedication  of  a  Book,  which  he  Publifhed  a 
little  before  he  Died.  I  find  in  Dr.  Bates  s  Funeral  Sermon 
for  Mr.  Baxter,  a  mention  of  the  Viftt  which  he  with  Mr. 
Mather  made  unto  Mr.  Baxter  the  Day  before  his  Expira- 
tion, (which  was,  Dec.  8.  1691,)  when  the  lafl  Words  of  Mr. 
Baxter  to  Mr.  Mather  were,  /  blefs  GOD  that  you  have 
AccomplifJtt  your  Biijinefs  ;  The  LORD  Prolong  your 
Life  ! 

§.  13.  The  Bujinefs  being  fo  Accomplished,  there  yet 
remains  One  Enquiry  more ;  How  was  he  Subfifted  for  the 
Expenfes  of  his  Agency. 

In  the  Year,  1691.  while  he  was  yet  in  London,  he  wrote 
thefe  Words,  in  a  brief  Account  of  his  Negotiation,  which 
he  fent  over  to  the  Government. 

'  Befides  what  was  fent  to  me  out  of  New-England,  I  Ex- 
'  pended  upwards  of  Two  Hundred  Pounds  of  my  own  Per- 
'  fonal  Eflate,  out  of  Love  to  that  People.  And  I  did  for 
'  their  fakes,  borrow  of  a  Merchant  in  London,  above  Three 
''Hundred  Pounds  more,  which  it  was  Two  Years  before 
'  Care  was  taken  for  the  Repayment  of  it.  The  lafl  Year, 
'  fome  who  were  hearty  Well-wifhers  to  New-England,  wrote 
'  thither,  That  they  muft  confider,  how  much  depended  on  a 
'  fuitable  Supply ;  yet  for  more  than  a  Twelve-month,  not 
'  one  Penny  was  returned  ;  fo  that  I  was  neceffitated,  either 
'  to  fuffer  a  Ruin  to  come  upon  the  Country,  or  elfe  muft 
'  borrow  Money  again  to  Serve  them  ;  which  I  did,  and 

' engaged 
w  (177) 


[58] 

'  engaged  all  the  Eftate  I  have  in  the  World,  for  the  Repay- 
'  ment  thereof.' 

Some  time  after  this,  there  was  Publifhed  a  Venemous 
and  Malicious  Libel,  by  a  mean  Hand,  inftigated  in  part 
from  the  Invifeble  World,  and  well  worthy  to  be  Recom- 
mended unto  the  Rebuke  of  the  Lord,  which  was  Entituled, 
More  Wonders  of  the  Invt/ible  World.  The  Confcience  of 
Duty  to  the  Ninth  Commandment  of  my  GOD,  as  well  as  the 
Fifth,  obliges  me  to  Declare,  (which  I  hope,  I  may  do  with- 
out any  Railing  Accufation^)  That  the  Book  is  full  of 
Grofs,  Bafe,  Notorious  LYES ;  and  has  been  Unanfwerably 
Convicted  of  being  fo ;  and  they  who  take  their  Accounts 
of  New-England  from  it,  follow  but  an  Ignis  fatuus.  On 
the  occafion  of  the  Slanders  uttered  in  that  fooliJJi  Book, 
Mr.  Mather  gave  under  his  Hand  unto  fome  Honeft  Men, 
who  Publifhed  a  Victorious  Anfwer  to  them,  an  Inftrument, 
which  had  thefe  among  other  Paffages. 

'  I  am  alfo  told,  that  his  great  Friends  Complain,  That  I 
'fpent  the  Country  a  great  deal  of  Money,  during  my 
'  Agency  in  their  behalf.  Thefe  little  Men  know  not  what 
'it  is,  to  attend  in  the  Courts  of  Kings  for  Four  Years 
'  together :  if  they  did,  they  would  not  make  that  Objection. 
'  And  fure  I  am,  that  when  I  did,  at  the  defire  of  many  Prin- 
'  cipal  Perfons  in  the  Country,  undertake  a  Voyage  for  Eng- 
'  land,  in  April.  1688.  People  in  this  Province  would  have 
'  given  Ten  times  more  than  what  I  Expended  in  their  Ser- 
'  vice,  on  condition  they  might  have  Reftored  and  Confirmed 
'  unto  them,  what  they  now  Enjoy :  yea,  if  it  had  been  but 
'  in  One  Article  of  it.  But  befides  this,  I  may  truly  affirm, 
'  that  in  Effect  I  ferved  the  Country  on  Free  cq/l.  For 
'  I  never  demanded  the  leaft  Farthing  as  a  Recompenfe  for 
'  the  Time  I  fpent  in  attending  on  their  Affairs  ;  but  inftead 
'  thereof,  I  procured  in  Donations  for  the  public  (befides  the 

*  Privileges 
(178) 


[59] 

*  Privileges  of  the  Charter  itfelf,  which,  though  not  fo  great 
'  as  I  would  have  had,  and  as  I  would  gladly  have  parted 

*  with  all  I  have  in  this  World  for  to  have  purchafed,  are 
'greater  than   what   any   other    Plantations   befides  New- 
11  England  enjoys :  I  fay,  Befides  thefe  Things  I  procured 
'  in  Donations   to   the   Province  and  the  College)  at  leaft 
'  Nine  Hundred  Pounds  more  than  all  the  Expences  of  my 
'  Agency  came  to.     This  being  plain  Matter  of  Fact,  which 
'  the  whole  General  Affembly  once  had  before  them,  I  fup- 
'  pofe,  all  Reafonable  men  will  own,  That  Reproaches  call  on 
'  me,  for  my  Expenjivenefs  in  the  Public  Service  are  moft 
'  Ungrateful  and  Unworthy. 

But  here,  this  Long  Chapter  fhall  have  a  Period;  and,  I 
hope,  a  Pardon.  Only  it  feems  I  muffc  again  afk  a  Pardon 
alfo  for  the  Agent,  whofe  Actions  I  have  been  telling  of. 
Some  who  have  been  vexed  at  good  Things  done  by  Min- 
ijlers  of  the  Gofyel,  have  made  mighty  Clamours  againft 
Mini/ters  having  any  thing  to  do  in  Secular  Affairs.  But 
the  Scripture  which  forbids  Minijlers  to  Entangle  themfelves 
with  the  Affairs  of  this  Life,  or  be  f o  taken  up  with  them, 
as  to  neglect  the  Duties  of  their  Minijlry,  does  belong 
to  other  Vocations  as  well  as  to  that  of  Minijlers.  A  Phy- 
Jician,  an  Hufbandman,  a  Merchant,  may  not  fo  meddle 
with  State-Affairs,  as  to  neglect  the  Perfonal  Bujinefs  which 
GOD  has  call'd  them  to.  We  may  as  well  forbid  Minijlers, 
to  Write  any  Books,  but  thofe  of  Pure  Divinity,  as  forbid 
them  all  Cognifance  of  Secular  Affairs  on  fome  Great  and 
Juft  Occafions.  A  Speech  of  an  Eminent  Perfon  once  in 
the  Houfe  of  Lords  obferved,  That  no  Reformed  Church  in 
the  World,  held  that  Minijlers  may  not  Intermeddle  in  Sec- 
ular Affairs.  He  particularly  mention'd  Calvin  and  Beza, 
whofe  Influences  very  much  governed  the  Council  of  State 
at  Geneva :  Brentius  and  Scultet,  and  Du  moulin,  and 
Rivet ;  and  others  who  were  Privy-Counfellors  to  Princes. 

Tis 
(179) 


[6o] 

Tis  true,  Minifters  ufually  have  enough  to  do,  in  attending  to 
their  Paftoral  Charge ;  and  the  Ordaining  of  them  to  That, 
is  a  Filling  of  their  Hand.  They  muft  Watch  for  Souls  as 
thofe  that  muft  give  an  Account.  But  when  without  Injury 
to  That,  they  do  upon  Public  and  Preffing  Emergencies, 
apply  their  Superior  Talents  to  fome  things  of  a  Secular 
Importance,  they  do  but  what  Hone/I  Men  ought  to  do. 
Opportunities  to  do  good,  not  only  Legitimate  the  Applica- 
tion of  their  Capacities  to  do  it,  but  alfo  Oblige  them  and 
Require  them  to  do  it. 

Hence  it  is  among  the  fayings  of  the  great  Selden :  Tis  a 
fooli/Ji  Thing  to  fay,  A  Minifler  mujl  not  meddle  with  Sec- 
ular matters,  becaufe  his  own  Profeffion  will  take  up  his 
whole  man :  May  he  not  Eat,  or  Drink,  or  Walk,  or  Learn 
to  Sing  ?  The  meaning  is  only,  That  he  muft  Serioujly  at- 
tend his  Calling.  This  Mr.  Mather  did,  even  in  the  midft 
of  his  greater!  Avocations. 


ARTICLE     XXVII. 
The  Returning  Dove. 

|T  is  now  high  Time  to  be  Looking  Homewards. 

As  far  backwards  as  the  Year,  1689.  Things 
were  in  fuch  an  hopeful   tendency  towards  an 
Happy  Settlement  of  the  Country,  that  Mr.  Ma- 
ther, in  his  Chamber  at  London,  (in  Copthall  Court,  Throg- 
morton  Street]  fet  apart  feveral  whole  Days,  to  Acknowledge 
the  Favours  of  GOD  Hitherto  Affifting  and  Succeeding  of 
him.     So,  having  obtained  a  Letter  from  the  KING  [Dated, 
Aug.  12.  1689.]  unto  thofe  who  were  now  in  the  Govern- 
ment here,  Signifying  His  Approbation  of  what  had  been 
done  by  them  in  Re-aJJuming  of  the  Government,  and  en- 
couraging 
(180) 


couraging  them  to  go  on  until  an  Orderly  Settlement  for 
His  Service  and  their  Satisfaction,  fhould  be  Accomplished ; 
And  the  Bill  for  the  Reftoring  of  Charters,  and  particularly 
thofe  of  New-England,  having  paffed  in  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons ;  and  there  not  being  then  any  apparent  Hazard,  but 
that  it  would  be  carried  on  unto  Perfection  ;  he  thought  he 
might  Return  to  New  England  with  Comfortable  Tidings. 
He  took  his  leave  of  his  Friends  at  London;  and  on  Aug. 
20.  went  as  far  as  Graves-End ;  and  the  next  Day  to  Deal, 
where  the  Ship  lay  on  Board  of  which  he  took  his  Paffage. 
Here  he  lay  Wind-bound,  until  Sept.  3.  when  his  Youngeft 
Son,52  then  with  him,  was  taken  fo  Dangeroufly  Sick  of  the 
Small  Pox,  that  it  was  Impoffible  to  leave  him  in  that  Con- 
dition. The  Ship  went  away  without  him ;  and  he  (with  his 
Reftored  Son)  returned  unto  London,  in  the  Beginning  of 
October ;  where  it  was  not  long  before  he  found  fuch  a  Turn 
of  Affairs,  as  fulfill'd  what  his  Friends  told  him,  when  they 
welcomed  him  upon  his  Return,  That  the  Gracious  GOD 
had  s~lofid  his  Voyage  in  great  Mercy  to  his  Country.  We 
have  now  feen  the  Great  Mercy  intended  in  it :  And  all 
things  being  finifhed,  which  concerned  the  Settlement  of 
the  Country,  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  introduced  him  once 
more  to  the  KING  at  Whitehall,  Jan.  3.  1691,  2.  in  the 
Evening.  After  he  had  Kiffed  the  KINGS  hand,  His  Maj- 
efty  faid  to  him,  Are  you  going  to  New-England?  He 
anfwered,  With  Your  Majejlies  Leave,  I  am  fo.  If  in  any 
thing  I  may  Serve  Your  Majejlies  Interejl  there,  IJkall  count 
myfelf  Happy,  that  Your  Majejly  will  Pleafe  to  lay  Your 
Commands  iipon  me.  The  KING  replied,  Syr,  I  Thank 
you ;  I  WiJJi  you  a  Good  Voyage.  He  then  faid,  There  is 
one  thing,  which  I  would  humbly  put  Your  Majejly  in 

mind 

52  This  fon  was  Samuel,  b.  28  Aug.  Eng.  He  patted  the  greater  part  of 
1674,  H.  C.  1690,  who  was  the  min-  his  life  in  a  retired  manner,  but  was  the 
ifter  afterwards  at  Witney,  co.  Oxford,  author  of  feveral  books. 

(181) 


[62] 

mind  of  .  We  have  in  New-England  a  COLLEGE,  where 
many  an  Excellent  Protejlant  Divine  has  had  his  Education. 
The  KING  faid,  I  know  it!  He  thereupon  added,  If  Your 
Majejly  will  cajl  a  favourable  Afyec~l  on  that  Society,  it  will 
yet  FlouriJJi  more  than  ever.  The  KING  returned,  I  JJiall 
willingly  do  it,  — - —  And  fo  Ended  the  Final  Conference. 

Mr.  Mather,  upon  a  Review  of  his  Agency,  was  now  able 
to  ufe  thofe  Words,  '  As  Day  and  Night  have  feen  it ;  fo  I 
'can  and  do  Appeal  to  Heaven  and  Earth,  that  I  have 
'  Served  the  People  of  my  Country,  with  all  Fidelity,  and 
'  unto  the  Very  utmoft  of  my  Capacity.  And  fo,  with  an 
eafy  mind  in  himfelf,  but  great  Expreffions  of  Affection  in 
his  Friends  at  his  taking  his  ultimum  Vale  of  them,  he  left 
London,  on  Mar.  7.  1692.  and  Sr.  William  Phips,  then 
having  received  the  Royal  Commiffion  for  the  Government 
of  New-England  f etch'd  him  in  a  Yacht  from  Southampton, 
to  Cowes  in  the  Ifle  of  Wight,  where  the  Ship  lay  in  which 
he  was  to  take  his  Paffage.  There  he  Preached  both  parts 
of  the  Day ;  which  he  afterwards  had  Opportunity  to  do  in 
Dartmoiith,  and  in  Plymouth. 

On  Mar.  29.  1692.  he  with  the  Companions  of  his  Voyage, 
left  Plymouth  ;  and  had  a  Comfortable  Paffage  for  New-Eng- 
land, under  the  Convoy  of  the  None-fuch  Frigat.  Inftead 
of  their  falling  into  the  Hands  of  their  Foes,  which  was 
much  feared  by  their  Friends,  a  French  prize  fell  into  their 
Hands.  And  they  had  alfo  a  notable  Deliverance  from 
what  they  commonly  call,  A  Tartar:  For  fpying  fome 
Ships  which  they  took  for  French  Merchant-men,  their  Con- 
voy made  away  for  them ;  until  contrary  Winds  compelled 
them  to  leave  the  chafe.  But  on  the  Day  following,  a 
French  VeJJel  which  they  took,  informed  them,  That  they 
were  Four  French  Men  of  War,  which  were  bound  home 
for  France,  from  the  Ifland  of  Martinico. 

On  May  14.  he  arrived  fafe  to  his  HoufQ  and  Flock,  at 

Bojlon. 
(182) 


[63] 

Bofton.  And  foon  after  the  firft  Great,  and  General  AJJem- 
bly  of  the  Province  was  Convened ;  unto  whom  he  repaired, 
and  Reading  over  the  InftruElions  he  had  received  from  the 
Government,  he  upon  each  of  them  Demonftrated  unto 
the  Satisfaction  of  the  whole  Affembly,  that  he  had  unto 
the  utmoft  of  his  Power  Punctually  obferved  them.  After 
fome  Days,  and  upon  the  moft  mature  Examination  and 
Deliberation,  the  Speaker  in  the  Name  of  the  whole  Houfe 
of  Reprefentatives,  returned  him  Thanks  for  his  Faithful, 
Painful,  Indefatigable  Endeavours  to  ferve  the  Country ; 
and  added,  That  they  were  willing  to  Reward  his  Meritori- 
ous Endeavours  ;  but  by  reafon  of  the  Expenfive  War  under 
which  they  were  Labouring,  they  were  at  prefent  unable  to 
do  any  thing  Proportionable  to  his  Merits :  To  which  Mr. 
Mather  anfwered,  That  he  Sought  not  Theirs  but  Them,  in 
all  that  he  had  Endeavoured,  and  for  his  Recompence,  he  was 
willing  to  expect  it  in  Another  World.  However,  he  had 
in  This  World,  fo  much  as  This  comes  to ;  That  the  Great 
and  General  Affembly,  appointed  a  Day  of  Solemn 
THANKSGIVING  to  Almighty  GOD,  through  the  Pro- 
vince, for  Granting  a  Safe  Return  to  His  Excellency  our 
Governour,  and  the  Reverend  Mr.  Increafe  Mather,  who  (as 
the  order  expreffed  it)  have  induftrioujly  endeavoured  the 
Service  of  this  People,  and  brought  over  with  them  a  Settle- 
ment of  Government,  in  which  their  Majefties  have  Gra- 
cioujly  given  us  DiJlinguiJJting  Marks  of  their  Royal  Favour 
and  Goodnefs. 

He  was  fortified  with  diverfe  Letters  from  Eminent  Per- 
fons,  Teftifying  and  Celebrating  his  Indefatigable  endea- 
vours for  the  Good  of  the  Country,  and  adding,  While  fome 
with  you  may  perhaps  Wonder,  that  he  has  Obtained  no 
more,  we  here,  who  have  the  Advantage  of  a  better  ProJ])ec~l, 
wonder  that  he  has  done  fo  much.  But  I  fhall  Superfede 
all  Citations  from  them,  with  only  Producing  a  Copy  of  a 

Letter, 
(183) 


[64] 

Letter,  Prepar'd  by  the  Venerable  Dr.  Bates,  and  Signed 
by  Twelve  more  ;  all  of  them  Eminent  Minifters  in  London  ; 
and  fuch  as  the  Doctor  chofe  for  that  purpofe.  This  was  a 
Thing,  which  Mr.  Mather,  had  never  Defir'd  or  Propos'd, 
but  that  Great  Man  did  it,  and  had  the  Names  of  Ten  Min- 
ifters to  it,  before  ever  Mr.  Mather  fpoke  one  Word  unto 
any  of  them  about  it :  nor  could  any  Two  of  them  ever  be 
Prevailed  withal  to  fufpecl;  any  overdoing  in  any  one  expref- 
fion  of  it. 

The  Letter  is  worth  Preferring,  if  it  were  only  for  the 
Excellent  Hand  that  Compofed  it ;  For,  Ccelum  eft  Quicquid 
tarn  Dofla  Manus  condidit.  This  it  is.53 

'  To  the  Much  Honoured  General  Court  Affembled  at 
'  Bofton  in  New-England. 

''Much  Honoured  Gentlemen. 

'  "  I  ^HE  Refloring  of  your  Charter,  upon  which  the  Security 
•*•  '  and  Public  Good  of  Your  Colony  Depends,  We  Con- 
'  gratulate  with  as  Joy  fid  Affettions,  as  with  Tender  Refent- 
' ments,  We  Condoled  the  Deprivation  of  it.  When  Your 
'and  Our  State  was  in  Appearance  Defolate  beyond  Hu- 
'  mane  Power  and  Counfel  to  redrefs,  Then  Deliverance 
' came  from  above:  And  in  our  Deep  Darknefs,  the  Day 
'  Spring  from  on  High  vifited  us.  We  muft  humbly  Ad- 
'mire  and  Adore  the  Glorious  Author  of  that  Bleffed 
'  Work :  And  we  cannot  but  Pay  our  Grateful  Refpecls,  and 
'  Dutiful  Subjection  to  His  chofen  Servant,  our  Sovereign, 
'  the  Happy  Inftrument  of  it.  All  the  Colours  of  Language 

'  are 

53  A  portion  of  this  letter  is  given  of  the  letter  on  p.  312  of  that  volume, 

in    Mather's  Account  of  the   Agents,  But  it  feemed  proper  to  give  the  com- 

and  is  printed  in  our  fecond  volume,  plete  text  in  this  place,  as  it  Hands  in 

pp.  297-298.    We  alfo  printed  the  reft  the  original  publication. 

(184) 


[65] 

'  are  not  Lively  and  Grateful  enough  to  exprefs  His  Benefits 
'  to  us.  He  has  the  Honour  of  Eftablifhing  our  Religion  at 
'  Home,  and  gives  us  Hopes  of  Reftoring  it  abroad,  in  places 
'from  whence  it  has  been  Unrighteoufly  and  Cruelly  Ex- 
'  pelled. 

'  Some  among  You  may  Wonder,  there  has  been  fo  long 
'  Delay  before  Your  Charter  was  fmimt,  but  if  you  confider 
'  the  Torrent  of  Affairs  in  Court  after  the  Late  Revolution, 
'  it  will  Leffen  the  Wonder. 

'  The  Truth  is,  Your  Affairs  were  fo  Difficult,  &  Thorny, 
'  that  the  Rare  Union  of  the  Wifdom  of  the  Serpent,  &  the 
'  Innocence  of  the  Dove,  was  requifite  in  the  Commiffioners 
1  manageing  of  it.  A  Peremptory  Refufal  of  any  Charter, 
'but  of  an  Uniform  Tenor  with  the  firft,  had  been  like  too 
'  Strong  a  Medicine,  that  Exafperates  the  Difeafe  inflead  of 
'  Curing  it.  In  Affairs  of  great  Importance,  tis  Wifdom 
'  Maturely  to  Deliberate,  and  confider  Conditional  Events, 
'  and  by  the  forefight  of  Inconveniences  that  will  otherwife 
'  follow,  to  accept  of  fuch  things  as  are  Bejl  with  refpecl:  to 
'their  Circumftances.  We  muft  therefore  give  this  True 
'  Teftimony  of  our  much  Efteemed  and  Beloved  Brother, 
'  Mr.  Increafe  Mather,  That  with  Inviolate  Integrity,  excel- 
'  lent  Prudence,  and  Unfainting  Diligence,  he  hath  Managed 
'  the  great  Bufmefs  Committed  to  His  Truft.  As  he  is  In- 
'  ftrucled  in  the  School  of  Heaven,  to  Minifter  in  the  Affairs 
*  of  the  Soul,  fo  he  is  furnimed  with  a  Talent  to  Tranfact 
'Affairs  of  State.  His  Proceedings  have  been  with  that 
'Caution  and  Circumfpeclion,  as  is  Correfpondent  to  the 
'  Weight  of  his  Commiffion ;  He  with  Courage  and  Con- 
*"Jlancy  has  Purfued  the  Noble  Scope  of  his  Employment, 
'  and  underftanding  the  True  Moment  of  Things,  has  pre- 
'ferred  the  Public  Good  to  the  Vain  Conceits  of  fome,  that 
'  more  might  have  been  Obtained  if  Peremptorily  Injifted  on. 
'  Confidering  open  Oppofition  and  Secret  Arts,  that  have 

'  been 

x  (185) 


[66] 


'been  ufed  to  fruflrate  the  beft  endeavours  for  the  Intereffc 

*  of  New-England,  the  Happy  IJfue  of  thefe  things  is  Supe- 
' rior  to  our  Expectations.     Your  Prefent  Charter  fecures 
''Liberty  and  Property  the  faireft  Flowers  of  the  Civil  State: 
'  And  which  is  Incomparably  more  valuable,  it  fecures  the 
'  Enjoyment  of  the  Blejfed  Gofyel  in  its  Purity  and  Freedom. 
'  Altho'  there  is  a  Rejtraint  of  your  Power  in  fome  things 
'that  were  granted  in  the  Former  Charter,  yet  there  are 
'  more  Ample  Privileges  in  other  things,  that  may  be  of  Per- 
'  petual  Advantage  to  the  Colony. 

'  We  doubt  not  but  Your  Faithful  Agent  will  receive 
'  a  Gracious  Reward  above :  And  we  hope  his  Succefeful 
'  Service  will  be  welcomed  with  your  entire  Approbation, 
'  and  Grateful  Acceptance.  We  now  with  ardent  Affections 
'  recommend  our  Dear  Brother  to  the  Divine  Mercy,  that 
'  thro'  fuch  Dangerous  Seas  he  may  fafely  arrive  at  his  de- 
'  fired  Place.  And  We  earneftly  Pray,  that  the  Bleffings  of 
'  Heaven  may  be  always  upon  Your  Colony ;  that  by  the 
'  Light  and  Power  of  the  Gofpel,  the  Prince  of  Darknefs 
'may  be  Expelled  from  his  ancient  Dominions;  and  the 

*  Kingdom  of  our  Saviour  may  be  Eftablifhed  and  Enlarged, 
'by the  Acceffionof  fat  American  Heathen  to  be  His  Inheri- 
tance.    Much  Honoured  Gentlemen, 

We  are, 

Your  very  Humble, 

LONDON,  and  Faithful  Servants, 

Oft.  17.  1691. 

William  Bates.        Thomas  Woodcock. 
Matthew  Mead.       John  James. 
Matthew  Barker.    Samuel  Anne/ly. 
Richard  Stretton.    George  Griffith. 
Vincent  A  If  op.        Richard  Mayo. 
John  How.  Ifaac  Chancy. 

John  Quick. 

There 

(186) 


[67] 

There  needs  no  more. 

Except  I  mould  now  add,  That  I  have  at  this  Mo- 
ment before  me,  a  Letter  from  Dr.  Bates  to  this  his  Friend, 
which  has  thefe  Expreffions  in  it ;  '  I  am  truly  fenfible  of  the 
'  Ungrateful  Returns  of  Some  in  your  Country  for  all  your 
'  Prudent  ConduEl,  your  Unwearied  Patience,  and  Happy 
'  Succefs,  in  the  Management  of  their  Affairs.  But  as  your 
"•Aims  were  above  their  Poor  Acknowledgments,  fo  your 
'  Reward  will  be  in  the  Acceptance  of  Him  who  Judges 
'  Righteoujly. 


An  Appeal  to  the  Men  of  New 
England, 

WITH  A  SHORT  ACCOUNT  OF  MR.  RANDOLPH'S  PAPERS. 

[1689.] 


(189) 


PREFATORY     NOTE. 


54  'THHE  following  pamphlet,  which  is  reprinted,  by  permiflion,  from  a  copy  in 
•*•  the  famous  library  of  George  Brinley,  Efq.,  prefents  feveral  interefting 
bibliographical  facts  :  In  the  firft  place,  being  printed  in  1689,  it  muft  have  been 
iflued  after  Auguft  2d,  as  it  mentions  Andros's  attempt  to  efcape,  which  took 
place  at  that  date.  It  muft  alfo  be  before  February,  1690,  the  date  of  Andros's  re- 
turn to  England,  as  it  calls  him  ftill  a  prifoner.  Next,  it  is  the  tract  referred  to  on 
p.  195  of  our  firft  volume,  as  a  "  former  paper  of  Ouaries  written  and  publifhed 
by  one  who  had  not  been  half  feven  years  in  this  country."  That  pamphlet  of 
"  Further  Queries  "  refers  to  the  difafter  at  Schenectady  which  occurred  Feb. 
8,  1690,  and  fpeaks  of  "the  fummer  which  is  now  advancing."  We  may  pre- 
fume  that  the  tract  was  published  late  in  1689,  or  in  January,  1690,  though  it 
copies  (vol.  i.  p.  203-204)  affidavits  ufed  by  Rawfon  and  Sewall  in  their  "  Revo- 
lution in  New  England  Juftified,"  1691.  As  thefe  affidavits  were  on  file,  collected 
by  a  committee  of  feven  of  the  General  Court  (fee  vol.  i.  p.  149),  the  writer  of 
"  Further  Queries  "  might  have  had  accefs  to  them  eafily. 

The  "  Vindication  "  (vol.  ii.  p.  78)  has  at  the  end  an  Advertifement  "  for  this 
compofure  the  reader  is  beholden  to  one,  who  altho'  he  never  fpent  7  years  of 

his  Life  in  any  part  of  America, has  been  able  thus  to  write."     This 

"Vindication"  was  printed  in  1690,  after  Palmer's  fecond  edition,  which  bears 
date  in  1690,  and  before  the  "Revolution  Juftified"  in  1691.  It  was  clearly 
publifhed  in  England  firft,  and  reprinted  here.  It  is  a  problem,  therefore, 
whether  this  "  Advertifement "  was  on  the  Englifh  edition.  If  not,  we  muft 
fuppofe  that  there  was  fome  fpecial  reafon  for  both  pamphlets,  the  "  Further 
Queries"  and  the  "Vindication,"  printed  in  1690,  bearing  the  allufion  to  "  feven 
years."  May  not  this  expreffion  be  one  ufed  in  "  News  from  New  England," 
the  tract  mentioned  in  our  fecond  volume,  p.  205,  and  the  only  pamphlet  ftill 
untraced  ? 

As  to  the  authorfhip  of  the  prefent  tract  nothing  is  known.  If  we  accept 
literally  the  ftatement  that  he  had  not  been  in  this  country  half  feven  years,  we 
might  fufpect  it  to  be  the  work  of  Rev.  Charles  Morton,  of  Charleftown.  He 
came  here  in  1686,  was  efpecially  oppofed  to  Andros's  government,  by  whom  he 
was  profecuted,  and  was  of  courfe  able  to  prepare  and  publifh  fuch  a  book. 
He  was  a  friend  of  the  Mathers,  and,  as  will  be  mown,  Cotton  Mather  muft  have 
been  privy  to  the  preparation  of  this  tract.  * 

(190) 


WITH  A   SHORT  ACCOUNT  OF  MR.   RANDOLPH'S 

PAPERS. 

T  is  the  Unhappinefs  of  this  prefent  Jun6ture, 
that  too  many  Men  relinquifh  their  Stations  of 
Privacy  and  Subjection,  and  take  upon  them 
too  freely  to  defcant  upon  affairs  of  the  Pub- 
lick;  and  thofe  generally  fuch  as  have  mani- 
feftly  no  Love  for,  nor  Interejl  in  the  welfare  of 
this  Country,  who  yet  affume  a  ftrange  liberty  to  themfelves 
of  justifying  the  Conduct  of  the  late  Ufurping  Government, 
and  cenfuring  the  Juftice  and  Order  of  the  late  Revolution ; 
and  by  clandestine  Libells  and  open  Coffee-houfe  talks,  en- 
deavour to  fow  Factions  and  Divifeons  among  us.  It  has 
been  therefore  thought  fit  (in  order  to  the  unity  of  the  Peo- 
ple, and  healing  the  prefent  difcompofures)  to  propofe  the 
infuing  Queries  and  Cafes,  upon  which  'tis  defired  every  man 
would  exercife  his  faculty  of  judging,  that  hereby  he  may 
know  how  to  encounter  the  Sophi/lries  and  flop  the  mouthes 
of  thefe  peflilent  Gain-fayers. 

i.  Of  the  Injury  done  to  our  Charter. 

Whether  the  Charters  of  New  England  were  not  invaded 
and  vacated  in  purfuance  of  the  very  fame  ends  that  caufed 
the  General  Attempt  lately  made  upon  the  Charters  through- 
out all  the  EngliJJi  Dominions  ? 

Whether 
(190 


[4] 


Whether  the  Definition  of  the  EngliJJi  Charters  were 
not  one  of  the  moft  confiderable  Branches  of  the  late 
PopiJJi  Plot,  for  the  fubverfion  and  utter  extinction  of  the 
Proteflant  Religion  ? 

Whether  it  be  rational  to  fuppofe  that  our  late  Superiours 
at  Whitehall  did  receive  or  could  propofe  any  advantage  by 
the  overthrow  of  our  Charter  Government,  but  only  to  bring 
us  within  the  reach  of  PopiJJi  Counfels,  when  it  fhould  be 
time  for  them  to  work  upon  us  ? 

Whether  (fuppofmg  our  Charters  forfeitable)  we  had  for- 
feited them  by  breaking  any  one  Article  or  Condition  in 
them  ? 

Whether  therefore  the  late  Confpirators  in  the  Court  at 
White-Hall  did  not  rob  us  in  the  Maffachufetts  Colony  of 
our  Charter,  by  firft  letting  fall  their  Quo  Warranto,  when 
we  had  fent  Agents  to  ftand  a  Trial  at  Law;  and  then  by 
iffuing  out  a  Writ  of  Scire  Facias  againft  us,  requiring  us  to 
appear  fuddenly  after  at  Wejlminfter  and  fo  entring  Judg- 
ment againft  us  for  our  non-appearance,  whilft  in  the  mean 
time  it  was  perfectly  impoffible  we  mould  have  any  timely 
notice  of  it? 

Whether  it  be  not  a  great  Article  in  the  Declaration  pub- 
lifht  by  his  Highnefs  the  Prince  of  Orange,  concerning  the 
Reafons  of  his  Difcent  into  England,  That  all  Magi/lrates 
who  have  been  unjuftly  turned  oiit,JJiall  forthwith  Reaffume 
their  former  Imployments,  and  the  EngliJJi  Corporations  re- 
turn to  their  ancient  Prefcriptions  &  Charters  ? 

Whether  Conneclicut  died  not  as  a  Fool  Dieth,  and  were 
not  baubled  out  of  their  Charter,  and  whether  they  are  not 
more  knaves  than  fools,  who  would  go  about  to  make  them 
twice  dead,  when  not  only  their  Charter  was  actually  reflored 
by  the  Proclamation  of  King  James,  but  alfo  his  prefent 
Majefty  has  declared  (as  we  have  undoubted  information) 
That  their  Charter  is  as  Good  as  ever  ? 

Whether 
(192) 


[5] 


Whether  we  have  not  Received  an  Attefted  Copy  of  a 
Bill  pad  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which  expreffly  De- 
clares, That  the  Proceedings  againjl  our  Charter  were  Illegal, 
and  a  Grievance  ? 

Whether  notwithstanding  the  fence  of  all  England  affem- 
bled  in  a  full  and  free  Parliament  to  the  contrary,  we  fhould 
not  rather  lick  up  the  Spittle  of  fome  of  our  Learned  Jayl- 
birds,  who  ever  now  and  then  fpawn  a  Pamphlet  to  tell  us, 
That  we  have  been  fairly  dealt  with  ? 

Whether  when  'tis  confidered  that  for  the  meer  hope  fake 
of  a  lafting  Peace  and  Settlement  under  the  protections  and 
priviledges  of  our  Charters,  we  have  with  an  incredible  ex- 
penfe  and  labour  fubdued  a  difmal  Wildernefs  into  a  famous 
&  flourifhing  Teritory,  of  no  fmall  advantage  to  the  Crown 
of  England;  we  may  expect  that  it  will  be  thought  juft  and 
fair  for  us  to  be  deprived  of  thofe  Priviledges  and  Injoy- 
ments  by  which  we  were  hereunto  decoy'd  and  ruined  by 
the  miferies  of  an  Arbitrary  Government  ? 

Whether  upon  the  little  glimmering  profpect  which  we 
now  have  of  our  being  freed  from  the  wretched  circum- 
ftances  under  which  we  laboured  by  the  lofs  of  our  Charter- 
Priviledges,  we  may  not  be  allowed  to  wear  a  little  joy  in 
our  faces,  and  return  thanks  to  our  God,  the  Soveraign 
Beftower  of  all  the  good  we  have  in  Poffeflion  or  Expec- 
tation ? 

Whether  if  our  late  Prejident^1  fhould  make  it  appear, 
either  that  he  did  not  contribute  to  the  lofs  of  our  Charter, 
or  that  he  has  a  juft  and  due  regret  for  doing  it,  this  might 
not  reconcile  him  to  the  affections  of  the  people,  of  which 
among  fo  many  that  have  defired  to  fee  him  humbled,  fo  few 
defire  to  fee  him  ruined? 

2.    Of 

55  The  late  Prefident  was  Jofeph  Dudley. 

Y  (193) 


[6] 

2.  Of  the  Commiffion  by  which  we  were  lately  Governed. 

Whether  the  late  Commiffion  by  which  the  late  Govern- 
ment was  impofed  upon  us,  did  not  deny  us  the  Common 
Rights,  which  all  Engli/Jimen  juftly  count  themf elves  born 
unto,  and  entirely  fubjecl:  all  that  was  dear  to  us  unto  the 
Arbitrary  DiJ])ofal  of  five  or  fix  men,  that  mewed  their 
manifeft  hatred  to  whatfoever  N.-England  loved  ? 

Whether  if  indeed  by  our  being  here,  we  became  Slaves, 
and  are  to  be  utterly  excluded  from  all  intereft  in  making 
of  Laws  and  railing  of  Taxes,  but  what  is  in  the  fubmitting 
and  fmarting  part  of  them,  we  had  not  better  agree  to 
break  up  the  Plantation,  and  march  home  for  England 
again  ? 

Whether  thofe  people  who  now  declare  for  the  continu- 
ance of  that  CommiJJion,  do  not  therein  (fome  ignorantly, 
fome  malicioufly)  abet  a  Treafon,  and  the  worfl  of  Treafons 
againft  the  Liberties  of  the  EngliJJi  Nation,  and  make  them- 
felves  parties  to  the  worft  Enemies  of  their  Countrey  ? 

Whether  they  were  perfons  inconfiderable  for  Note  or 
Number  which  did  call  our  late  Government  by  the  name  of 
a  French  Government,  and  counted  it  an  Effay  or  Specimen 
of  what  was  intended  for  the  whole  Engli/h  Nation  ? 

Whether  any  good  man  has  done  any  other  than  buy 
Repentance  at  a  dear  rate  by  efpoufing  the  Interefts  or 
gratifying  the  humours  of  the  men  that  fo  lately  Lorded 
over  us ! 

Whether  common  Curfmg  and  Swearing  and  Sabbath- 
breaking  be  not  admirable  qualities  in  a  Governour,  and 
fuch  as  may  make  any  New-Englanders  dote  upon  him,  or 
endeavour  his  re-eftablimment,  when  we  have  all  the  affur- 
ance  in  the  world  that  we  mall  be  commended  by  the 
Authority  of  England  for  our  depofing  him  ? 

Whether  when  a  Governour  has  made  his  allowed  Knot 

of 
(194) 


[7] 

of  Counsellors  competently  drunk  at  his  Bouts  with  them 
after  midnight,  they  be  not  in  a  fine  pickle  to  manage  the 
Government  of  this  large  Territory,  which  no  doubt  now 
perifhes  for  the  want  of  fuch  Super-fober  Counsellors? 

Whether  thofe  people  who  now  afflict  themfelves  with  a 
Bodily  fear  that  a  mean  perfon  may  now  and  then  get  into 
the  place  of  a  Magi/Irate  amongft  us,  have  not  forgotten 
what  fort  of  Gentlemen  were  amongft  our  late  Counfellors? 
And  whether  they  know  the  Original  of  our  late  boyfterous 
Deputy  Governour^  who  in  very  good  time  informed  us,  That 
the  Scabbard  of  a  Red-coat  JJwuld  quickly  Jignifie  as  much  as 
the  Commiffion  of  a  Jujlice  of  the  Peace  ? 

What  were  the  Qualifications  which  were  counted  enough 
to  make  a  man  capable  of  a  Place  in  the  late  Adminiftra- 
tion  ? 

3.  Of  the  OppreJJion  which  was  ufed  every  day  upon  us  in 
our  Civil  Concerns. 

Whether  fome  of  the  principal  Gentlemen  concerned  in 
the  late  Government  have  not  once  and  again  ingenioufly 
confeft,  That  the  Government  was  become  Intollerable. 

Whether  thofe  that  Rob  on  the  Road,  or  in  the  night 
under  the  fear  of  Hanging  are  not  honefl  Robbers  in  com- 
parifon  of  them  that  Rob  in  the  capacity  of  Lawyers,  by 
making  the  Law  it  felf  but  a  Tool  to  manage  the  defigns  of 
Robbery  ? 

Whether  any  man  alive  can  tell  what  Law  our  late  Maf- 
ters  were  pleafed  to  Govern  by. 

Whether  amongft  many  other  injuries  which  the  Fermen- 
tations 

66  I  fuppofe  by  this  is  meant  Capt.  fpecially  for  this  colony.  Randolph 
Francis  Nicholfon,  who  was  commif-  was  fecretary,  with  Weft  under  him  ; 
fioned  Lieutenant  Governor,  April  20,  Dudley  and  Palmer  were  judges  ;  Sher- 
1688,  and  who  lived  in  New  York.  I  lock  was  fheriff ;  Graham,  attorney-gen- 
do  not  find  any  deputy-governor  named  eral,  &c. 

(195) 


[8] 

tations  of  the  laft  April  did  unto  feveral  honeft  people,  this 
be  not  one,  that  certain  pickt,  fettled  and  Standing  Officers 
(but  no  Free-holders)  called  Jury-men  were  thereby  difmift 
from  their  places,  which  we  thought  they  mufl  have  held 
Durante  Vita,  by  a  Leafe  for  their  Lives  ? 

Whether  in  one  and  the  fame  Crime,  fometimes  the  Old 
Law  of  New-England  was  not  that  which  did  convict  the 
fault,  and  the  new  Law  of  Old-England,  that  which  did 
adjuft  the  Fine? 

Whether  we  did  not  with  a  very  fingular  Edification  and 
Satisfaction  hear  our  late  courteous  Rulers  very  gravely 
hold  forth  unto  us,  that,  It  was  not  for  His  Majefties  Intere/l 
that  weJJwuld  thrive  ? 

Whether  the  ufage  of  the  Ipfotnck^Jito.  &  the  Plymouth 
Men  were  not  fo  juft  and  kind  that  they  ought  never  to  for- 
get it  ?  or  whether  a  peaceable  defiring,  that  we  might  have 
liberty  for  an  AJJembly  before  we  Rais'd  Taxes  ;  or  whether 
Begging  Mony  to  carry  on  a  Tryal  at  Law  for  Town-lands 
injurioufly  invaded,  were  an  inexpiable  Treafon  ? 

What  was  Major  Appleton  put,  and  kept  in  Prifon,  and 
denyed  an  Habeas  Corpus  for  ? 

And  for  what  were  Major  Saltonjlall  and  Mr  Bradftreet, 
and  others  Imprifoned  and  put  to  a  ftrange  Coft  and 
Charge 

How  many  times  have  the  Excife-men  gone  unto  honeft 
and  courteous  Houfes  in  the  Country,  pretending  themfelves 
ill,  and  fo  procuring  the  Civilities  that  good  people  ufe  to 
treat  Strangers  with,  but  thereupon  dropt  a  three-pence  or 
fix-pence  in  a  by-place  of  the  Houfe,  and  then  fworn  that 
they  bought  drink  there;  and  how  many  times  has  this 
Trick  been  play'd  upon  perfons  that  never  fold  a  drop  of 
drink  in  their  lives  ?  Who  clapt  thefe  Knaves  on  the  Back 
and  held  them  by  the  Chin  in  thefe  Rogueries  ?  Who  went 
Snips  with  them  ? 

Whether 
(196) 


[9] 

Whether  Mr  Morton,  the  very  Reverend  and  no  lefs 
peafeable  Minifter  of  Charles-Town,  were  not  by  Governour 
Androfss  furious  Command  (contrary  to  the  declared  Senfe 
of  two  of  the  Judges  upon  the  Bench)  drag'd  out  of  his  own 
County,  to  be  Try'd  for  Seditious  Preaching,  on  purpofe 
becaufe  he  thought  no  place  but  Bojlon  could  afford  a  Jury 
wicked  enough  to  ruine  him,  on  the  Teftimony  of  one  fingle 
Debaucht  Perfon,  contradicted  by  the  whole  Affembly  that 
heard  the  Sermon  ? 57 

What  was  the  true  Reafon  why  no  Town  might  meet  to 
Tranfact  any  Parim-bufmefs,  above  once  a  Year  ? 

Whether  it  was  not  both  verbally  and  really  deny'd  by  the 
late  Ufurpers  here,  that  any  man  in  the  Colony  own'd  fo 
much  as  one  Foot  of  Land/  And  fo  after  all  the  vaft 
Treafure  and  Labour  which  we  had  fpent  to  provide  for  our 
felves  a  Livelihood  in  a  Wildernefs,  had  we  not  brought 
our  Hogs  (and  all  our  other  Cattle  too)  to  a  fair  market? 

Whether  it  were  poffible  for  all  the  mony  and  Movables 
in  New-England  to  have  paid  the  prizes  that  mufl  have 
been  exacted  for  the  Patents,  which  we  are  now  obliged  to 
take  for  our  Own  Lands,  even  as  they  are  ftated  in  the  Fees 
of  the  Secretaries  Office  ? 

Whether  a  certain  perfon  divers  ways  endear'd  to  our  late 
Gang  of  Mony-c  ate  hers,  having  of  his  own  a  Spot  of  Land, 
worth  not  above  Two  Hundred  Pounds,  was  not  at  laft 
forced  to  offer  Fifty  Pounds  for  a  Patent  for  it,  and  yet 
after  all  could  not  get  it  fo,  becaufe  (forfooth)  a  Neighbour 
offered  to  give  more  for  a  good  Title  to  it  ? 

How  many  Hundred  Acres  of  other  mens  Lands  have 
been  begged  by  Counfellors,  out  of  their  fingular  and 
fatherly  Affection  to  the  Country?  and  who  muft  have 

maintained 

57  Nothing  in  this  paffage  is  incompatible  with  the  fuppofition  that  Morton 
wrote  the  trad. 

(197) 


[10] 

maintained  the  fcores  of  Widows  and  Orphans,  that  muft 
have  been  brought  to  beg  their  bread,  whilft  others  beg'd 
their  Lands? 

Whether  when  fome  certain  Widows  that  had  their  Lands 
taken  from  them,  pleaded  with  thefe  publick  Thieves,  and 
urg'd  on  them,  That  God  would  one  day  plead  the  caufe  of 
the  Widows,  they  were  not  fcoffingly  bid  tojlay  till  that  day 
come  ? 

4.  Of  the  Perfecution  which  our  Sacred  Concerns  were 
affaulted  with. 

Whether  Jefferies  the  late  Lord  Chancellor  of  England,  or 
fome  body  elfe,  advifed  no  body,  To  Ruine  thefe  Churches  as 
fa/I  as  he  could,  yet  not  to  do  it  by  force,  but  to  Sap  them  by 
Jlarving  the  Mini/lers  everywhere  from  their  Imployments, 
upon  which  their  Churches  will  by  confequence  fall  of  them- 
felves  ;  and  whither  fine  fteps  were  not  taken  in  the  practice 
of  this  Advice  ? 

Whether  in  the  ordinary  Difpenfations  of  Juftice  among 
us,  if  a  perfon  accufed  of  any  Crime,  were  a  vicious,  profli- 
gate, blafphemous  Fellow,  he  were  not  likely  to  have  all 
poffible  favour  fhown  him,  but  if  he  were  a  ferious,  holy, 
Good  Man,  he  might  not  Expect  the  utmofl  rigour,  that  the 
extent  of  their  fence  of  the  Law  could  inflict  on  him  ? 

Whether  the  pious  Chriftians  in  New-England  had  not 
fome  caufe  at  leaft  why  their  Confciences  might  fcruple  the 
mode  of  Swearing  on  the  Book,  when  the  Common  Law 
which  is  the  only  Law  pretended  for  it  in  this  Cafe,  does  in 
all  old  Prefidents  interpret  a  Swearing  ON  to  be  a  Swearing 
BY  the  Gofpels,  and  we  have  long  thought  it  finful  to  fwear 
by  any  Creatures  ? 

Whether  fome  of  the  Juftices  themfelves  in  their  giving 
of  Oaths  did  not  awaken  our  thoughts  by  making  the  poor 

people 
(198) 


people  Swear  By  the  Holy  Evangelifts,  concluding  the  Ooath 
with  fo  help  you  God  and  his  holy  Evangelifts  ?  And 
whether  when  a  man  was  profecuted  for  Perjury,  the  form  of 
his  Indictment  did  not  run,  That  he  did  perjurioujly  on  the 
Holy  Evangelifts  of  the  Almighty  God,  Depofe,  &c.  ?  And 
whether  even  yet  the  Homilies  of  the  Church  of  England 
do  not  teach  us,  That  to  fay,  So  help  me  God  ancl  Saint 
John,  is  Idolatry? 

Whether  many  of  the  befl  People  in  the  Country  were 
not  Fined  and  Imprifoned  meerly  for  fcrupling  to  fwear  on 
the  Book,  though  they  readily  offered  to  Swear  with  an  Up- 
lifted Hand? 

Whether  the  leaft  affront  offered  unto  them  that  were  fo 
fcrupulous  were  not  to  put  them  from  Serving  on  a  Jury,  or 
as  a  Witnefs  ?  And  whether  the  bottom  of  this  intreague 
were  not  chiefly  to  render  the  Largeft,  the  moft  fober,  and 
valuable  part  of  the  Country  uncapable  of  any  Inter  eft  in 
the  paffage  of  Juftice  between  man  and  man  ?  And  whether 
fome  folks  would  not  have  had  then  a  brave  time  on't  ? 

Whether  thofe  very  Judges,  who  punifht  holy  and  worthy 
men,  for  only  fcrupling  a  mode  of  Swearing,  ever  did  or 
durft  punifh  a  Quaker  for  not  Swearing  at  all  ? 

Whether  none  of  our  late  Superiors  had  caufe  to  know 
that  in  the  Ifland  of  Guernfey  and  Jerfey^  which  are  under 
the  Crown  of  England,  it  be  not  according  to  Common 
Law  (becaufe  Ancient  Cuftom)  to  Swear  with  Lifting  up 
the  Hand? 

Whether  although  it  feem  a  fmall  Truth  for  which  the 
good  people  have  fuffered  this  malicious  and  unreafonable 
Perfecution,  yet  the  fmallnefs  of  the  Caufe  do  not  rather 
augment  and  commend  the  Fidelity  of  the  Sufferers  ? 

Whether  the  late  wife  Juftices  did  not  affirm  all  the 

Ecclefiaflical 

18  A  reference,  of  courfe,  to  Andros. 
099) 


[12] 

Ecclefiaftical  Penal-Laws  againft  Nonconformifts  to  be  in 
force  againft  us,  when  they  fo  vigoroufly  profecuted  that 
worthy  Minifter  Mr  Mather  the  Younger™  for  publifhing 
(before  Sir  Edmond  Andros  arrived  here)  a  modeft  and 
placid  Difcourfe  giving  the-Reafons  of  our  Diffent  from  the 
Ceremonies  of  the  Church  of  England?  And  of  what 
value  with  them  was  the  late  King's  Declaration  for  Liberty 
of  Confcience.  And  whether,  when  they  had  the  power 
of  binding  and  loofmg  the  l^reSS,  it  had  not  been  more 
fatisfaclory  for  them  to  have  anfwered  it  by  Scripture  and 
reafon,  or  any  way  rather  than  by  a  ruinous  Romi/h  Perfe- 
cution. 

Whether  when  't  was  argu'd,  that  it  would  be  a  very  un- 
fair thing  to  punim  the  Noncoris  in  this  Countrey,  for  not 
ufmg  the  Service  of  the  Church  of  England,  while  the 
Countrey  had  fcarce  any  but  Noncoris  in  it ;  and  fo  every 
man  almoft  in  the  Land  muft  pay  at  leaft  1 2d  a  day  (befides 
other  far  greater  penalties)  which  with  Sundayes  and  Holy 
dayes  would  amount  to  four  pounds  a  man  by  the  year,  for 
not  being  prefent  at  the  Common  Prayer  Worfhip,  that 
Juftice  had  not  more  of  the  Wo/fiha.n  the  Fox  in  him,  who 
reply 'd,  We  are  in  a  way  to  bring  it  to  that  extremity  ? 

Whether  when  the  late  Kings  Declaration  for  Liberty  of 
Confcience  gave  us  hopes  of  deliverance  from  an  approach- 
ing Perfecution,  the  'Minifters  of  Bofton  having  agreed  with 
their  Congregations  to  keep  a  day  of  Thankfgiving  to  God 
for  that  Mercy,  Governour  Androfs  did  not  fend  for  them 

the 

69  Increafe  Mather  was  fo  defcribed.  authority  for  ftating  that  the  "Brief 

The    tract  was   undoubtedly  the  one  Difcourfe "  was  iffued  in  1689.     This 

whofe  title  is  given  in  our  firft  volume,  was  true  of  the  fecond  or  London  edi- 

p.  1 80.     In  the  text  it  is  faid  that  the  tion,  but,  as  will  be  feen,  both  in  our 

fermon  was  publifhed  before  Andres's  citation  (i.   180)  and   in   Sibley's,  no 

arrival,  i.e.,  before  1686.     By  Mr.  Sib-  date  is  on  the  firfl  edition.     We  may 

ley's  admirable  bibliographical  notes  it  therefore  fairly  accept  the  ftatement  in 

feems    that   Cotton   Mather    was    the  the  text  as  correct. 

(200) 


the  night  before  the  day  intended,  and  with  many  menaces 
bid  them  keep  the  day  at  their  peril,  and  tell  them  he  would 
fend  Souldiers  to  guard  their  Churches  and  them  too?  And 
yet  having  thus  put  by  the  day,  to  the  great  fcandal  and 
offence  of  the  whole  Town,  had  he  not  the  face  to  deny 
afterwards  that  ever  he  had  forbidden  it  ? 

5.  Of  the  Indian  War. 

Whether  no  Indian  Lands,  nor  Indian  Rights  have  been 
Patented  away  by  our  late  Patent-mongers. 

Whether  to  advance  this  principle,  that  the  Indians,  be- 
caufe  Pagans,  have  no  Title  to  any  Lands  at  all  in  this 
Coimtrey,  be  not  the  way  to  continue  the  friendfhip  of  the 
Indians  to  us  ?  and  whether  after  all  the  hard  cenfures  we 
have  undergone,  the  World  will  not  judge  us  the  jufler  and 
more  righteous  of  the  two,  who  own  they  have  though 
Pagans,  ajitft  Right  to  all  their  Lands  but  thofe  which  they 
have  by  fair  Contract  or  jujl  Conqueft  parted  with  ? 

Whether  it  were  no  bodies  Expectation,  that  on  pretence 
to  pay  off  a  great  Army  for  a  long  Service,  a  vajl  Tax  muft 
have  been  Levy'd,  which  would  on  purpofe  have  been  made 
intollerable  to  the  people  ?  that  hereupon  a  diflreft  and  dif- 
trac~ted  part  in  the  Country  would  have  mutiny  d?  and  an 
advantage  would  thence  be  taken  by  fome  fort  of  men  to 
have  taken  away  the  Lives  and  Eftates  of  whom  they 
pleas'd  for  being  concerned  in  the  Rebellion,  though  they 
had  been  never  fo  peaceable  and  innocent?  Would  not 
this  have  been  a  notable  way  for  fome  folks  to  thrive  in  the 
world  ? 

Whether  no  Captives  of  late  efcap't  from  the  Indians 
have  affirmed,  That  the  Indians  fay,  Some  p erf ons  in  Bofton 
have  incouraged  them  to  go  on  with  the  War  ? 

6.  Of 

z  (201) 


6.  Of  the  Revolution. 

Whether  it  were  not  purely  in  Oppofition  to  the  enemies 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  that  we  feized  upon  Governour 
Androfs  and  his  Accomplices  ?  and  not  a  defign  hatcht  by 
Jefuits  to  carry  on  a  Popilh  Interefl  among  us,  as  a  Pam- 
phlet late  difperft,  very  gravely  and  politickly  informs  us  ? 

Whether  our  late  Rulers  did  not  ufe  all  imaginable  care 
to  keep  us  ignorant  of  the  Succeffes  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
which  themfelves  had  fufficient  information  of  ? 

How  many  Healths  has  that  Riotous  and  Abject  Crew 
drank  to  the  Confufion  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  fmce  eighty 
nine ;  and  whether  that  fport  is  likely  to  laft  always  unre- 
markt  or  unpunifht  ? 

Whether  the  news  of  the  Princes  coming  into  England 
did  not  fill  them  with  as  much  vifible  Confternation  as  us 
with  fatisfaclion,  and  whether  the  Reafon  of  it  be  not  mani- 
feft  to  all  of  us  ? 

Whether  the  man  that  brought  the  Princes  Declaration 
with  him  into  the  Country  were  not  Imprifoned  for  bringing 
treafonable  ?cc\di  feditious  Papers  with  him? 

Whether  fome  Riots  that  have  been  committed  fince  the 
Revolution  were  not  fecretly  produced,  or  at  leaft  fomented 
by  men  of  the  fame  Party  with  them  that  moft  fuffered  by 
them? 

Whether  Governour  Androfsm  by  dealing  out  of  the 
Caftle  where  he  was  a  Prifoner,  after  he  had  abufed  the 
Captain  with  fuch  affurances  of  his  proving  himfelf  a  trite 
Prifoner  did  not  give  an  evidence  of  fome  peculiar  Guilt  or 
Fear  upon  him,  as  well  as  Falfenefs  in  him ;  and  whether 
the  Captain  ought  to  truft  him  again,  or  in  Civility  fo  far  to 

remember 

60  This  charge  againft  Andros  is  not  found  elfewhere,  and  may  well  be 
doubted. 

(202) 


remember  him  as  a  Gentleman,  as  to  forget  that  he  is  a 
flippery  Prifoner. 

What  would  thofe  fellows  be  at,  who  are  fo  lavifh  of  their 
Difcourfe  as  to  condemn  us  for  Pirates  only  for  taking 
Pirates?  what  party  did  Pound's^  ferve  that  it  muft  be  fo 
criminal  to  Apprehend  him  ?  and  who  were  his  Correfpond- 
ents  ?  and  whether  it  be  not  very  reafonable  not  only  that 
thofe  men  who  ventured  their  Lives  fo  nobly  for  the  Coun- 
trey  mould  be  commended,  but  rewarded  ? 

Whether  it  be  not  the  fpecial  Priviledge  of  Charlejlown 62 
Church  and  Town  to  be  furnifht  with  Deacons  and  Cap- 
tains which  publifh  Remonftrances  againft  the  prefent  Gov- 
ernment, and  Berogue  the  deferving  Gentlemen  in  whofe 
hands  it  is  ?  and  whether  thofe  Fellows  (to  retort  the  phrafe 
upon  them  they  fo  faucily  ufe  to  the  Gentlemen  in  Author- 
ity) could  propofe  any  thing  by  their  late  Mutinies  &  Fac- 
tions, than  the  putting  the  Countrey  into  a  Flame? 

Whether  thofe  Men  who  defire  to  fee  the  late  Power  in 
play  again,  be  not  weary  of  their  own  Lands  or  Livings  (if 
they  have  any?)  or  do  not  want  to  be  Owners  of  Other 
Mens  ? 

Whether  thofe  men  who  now  fhow  themfelves  violent 
againft  our  return  in  any  fort  to  our  Charters,  are  not  therein 
declared  Enemies  to  the  glorious  defigns  of  the  greateft 
Prince  in  the  World  ? 

Whether  it  would  not  be  a  fine  fpot  of  work,  when  we 
have  given  to  Sr.  Edmond  Androfs  and  his  Creatures  the 
affront  of  difmiffing  them  from  the  Government,  and  we 
every  hour  look  for  a  Confirmation  and  approbation  from 
England  of  what  we  have  done,  yet  to  reftore  them  to  their 
former  places  ? 

Whether 

81  As  to  Pounds,  fee  vol.  ii.  p.  54-  82  See  Charleftown's  petition  in  vol. 
55.  ii.  p.  79. 

(203) 


[16] 

Whether  a  flricl  eye  ought  not  to  be  kept  on  thofe  ridic- 
ulous Blades  at  Charleftown,  and  thofe  Mifchievoiis  ones  in 
Prifon 63  who  are  fcattering  about  the  Countrey  their  fcan- 
dalous  Pamphlets,  to  perfwade  a  thing  fo  pernicious  ? 

Whether  fuch  empty  trifling  Pamphlets  can  Profelyte  any 
but  the  fillieft  Buzzards  in  the  World,  and  whether  we  have 
reafon  to  fear  we  have  many  fuch  among  us  ? 


And  fince  't  is  in  a  late  Pamphlet^  boldly  affirmed  that 
none  of  the  L  etters  (in  our  hands]  of  thofe  lately  in  Office  or 
Government,  manifejl  any  defign  of  ruining  the  Countrey,  or 
procuring  any  violence  to  the  Inhabitants ;  we  mail  annex 
fome  few  Notes  (among  many  much  worfe)  out  of  the  Letters 
of  but  One  of  them,  viz.  Mr  RANDOLPH  and  by  this  lit- 
tle, let  all  dif-interefted  perfons  judge,  whether  thofe  who 
guided  the  People  to  this  alteration  had  not  fome  caufe. 


65 


Randolph  to  the  Earl  of June  14.  1682 


/  humbly  befeech  your  L  ordJJiip  that  I  may  have  confedera- 
tion for  all  my  Loffes,  that  the  heads  of  this  Faction  here 
may  be  ftriclly  profecuted  and  Fined  for  their  Treafons  and 
Mifdemeanours,  and  my  Mony  paid  out  of  their  Fines.  I 
will  engage  with  Five  Hundred  of  His  Majefties  Guard  to 
drive  them  out  of  their  Country  As  for  the  perfons  joynd 

and 

63  Palmer's    "Impartial    Account"  full  in  Hutchinfon's   Collection  of  Pa- 
was  undoubtedly  prepared  whilft  he  was  pers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  275-277,  in  the  edition 
a  prifoner  here.  printed  by  the    Prince    Society.      As 

64  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  the  here  printed,  it  confifts  of  extracts  only 
original  of  this  quotation.  from  the  long  original,  ingenioufly  ar- 

65  This  letter  was  addreffed  to  the  ranged  to  make  a  ftrong  effect. 
Earl  of  Clarendon,  and  will  be  found  in 

(204) 


and  concerned  in  the  Faction  here,  I  know  but  one  man  who 
was  not  himfelf  a  Servant  or  a  Servants  Son. 


GG 


R.  to  my  Lord December  3.  1684 


If  that  great  body  of  People  by  mif-underftanding  be  once 
broken  and  difperfl  into  the  Southern  Plantations,  the 
French  will  certainly  by  degrees  /wallow  up  that  great 
Country  planted  and  poffejl  by  His  Majejlies  Subjefls  now 
above  thefejixty  Years,  and  fo  at  length  become  Majlers  of 
all  His  Majejlies  Weft- India  Plantations,  which  by  the  bene- 
fit and  advantage  of  thofe  many  Harbours  in  that  Country 
may  be  obtained. 


67  R.  to  the  B.  of June  14.  1682 

If  His  Majejlies  Laws  (which  none  but  Phanaticks  quef- 
tioii)  be  of  force  with  us,  we  could  raife  afufficient  mainten- 
ance for  divers  Minijlers  out  of  the  Eftates  of  thofe  whofe 
Treafons  have  forfeited  them  to  His  Majejly. 


68 


R.  to  the  B.  of  -     May  29.  1682 


In  my  Attendance  on  your  Lordfhip,  loftenpreft  thatfome 
able  Minijlers  might  be  appointed  to  perform  the  Offices  of 
the  Church  with  us.  The  main  objlacle  was,  how  theyjliould 

be 

88  This  extra6l  is  from  a  letter  to  the  Lord  Bifhop  of  London  will  be  found  in 

Lords,  by  which  I  prefume  is  meant  the  Hutchinfon's    Collection    above  cited, 

Lords  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  which  will  ii.  279-281. 

be  found  in  the  Mather  Papers  (Mafs.          **  This  letter,  alfo  to  the  Bifhop  of 

Hift.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  Ser.  viii.  530).  London,  will  be  found  in  full  in  Hutch- 

87  The  original  of  this  letter  to  the  infon's  Collection,  ii.  271-274. 

(205) 


be  maintained?  I  did  formerly  and  do  now  prop  of e  that  a 
part  of  the  Money  fent  over  hither  and  pretended  to  be  ex- 
pended among  the  Indians,  may  be  ordered  to  go  towards  that 

charge. As  for 69  he  is  one  of  the  Faction,  a  man  of 

mean  Extraction,  coming  over  a  poor  Servant ;  as  moji  of 
the  Faction  were  at  their  firft  Planting  here,  but  by  extraor- 
dinary zeal  and  coufenage,  have  got  them  great  Ejlates  in 
Land ;  fo  that  if  His  Majefty  Fine  them  fufficiently  (and 
well  if  they  f cape  fo)  they  can  go  to  work  to  get  more. 

70  R.  to  the  A.  B.  of Oclob.  27.  1686 

/  have  fome  time  Jince  humbly  reprefented  to  your  Grace, 
a  necejfity  of  having  a  Church  built  in  Bofton,  to  receive 
thofe  of  the  Church  of  England ;  we  have  at  prefent  near 
four  hundred  perfons  who  are  daily  frequenters  of  our 
Church,  and  as  many  more  would  come  over  to  us.  But 
fome  being  Tradef-men,  others  of  Mechanick  Profejfions, 
are  threatned  by  the  Congregational  Men  to  be  Arrejled  by 
their  Creditors,  or  to  be  turned  out  of  their  work,  if  they 

come  to  our  Church. /  have  taken  care  to  inform  my 

felf  how  the  Mony  fent  over  hither  for  the  Company  of 
Evangelizing  Indians  in  New  England  is  difyofed  of;  Here 
are  feven  perons  called  Commiffioners  or  Truftees,  who  have 
thefole  manage  of  it.  The  chief  of  which  are  Mr.  Dudley 
our  Prejident  a  man  of  a  bafefervile  and  Antimonarchical 
Principle  ;  Mr.  Stoughton  of  the  old  Leven  ;  Mr.  Richards, 
a  man  not  to  be  trufled  in  publick  bujinefs ;  Mr.  Hinkly,  a 
Rigid  Independent,  and  others  like  to  thefe. 

I  humbly  prefume  to  Remind  your  Grace  of  your  promife 

to 

w  In  the  original  in  Hutchinfon,  70  For  this  letter  to  the  Archbifhop 
this  is  Capt.  Richards.  The  ftory  was  of  Canterbury,  fee  Hutchinfon's  Col- 
probably  falfe,  as  fhown  in  the  note  le&ion,  ii.  294. 

(159). 

(206) 


[19] 

to  me  when  in  England ;  that  a  Commijfion  JJwuld  be 
dir'ected  to  fome  perfons  here  unconcerned  to  Audit  and 

report  their  Accounts  of  that  Mony. We  want  good 

Schoolmajlers,  none  here  being  allowed  or  but  of  ill  Prin- 
ciples ;  The  mony  now  converted  unto  private  or  worfe  Ufes, 
willfet  up  good  and  pub  lick  Schools,  and  provide  a  mainten- 
ance for  our  Minijler  who  now  lives  upon  a  f mall  Contri- 
bution. 

71  R.  to  Mr.  Blathwait.     May  21.  1687. 

His  Excellency  has  to  do  with  a  perverfe  people.  Noth- 
ing has  been  wanting  in  his  Excellency  to  bring  all  things  to 
a  good pojlure,  both  private  and publick  ;  He  dif charges  the 
duty  of  an  Excellent  Governour,but  thefe  people  are  Riveted 
in  their  way,  and  I  fear  nothing  but  neceffity  or  force  will 
otherwife  dij]>ofe  them. 

R.  to  Povey.     May  21.  1687 

72  His  Excellency  tries  all  ways  to  bring  the  people  to  Quit- 
Rents. 

73  R.  to  Mr.  Pen,  November  9.  1688. 

This  barbarous  people  were  never  civilly  treated  by  the  late 
Government,  who  made  it  their  btfjinefs  to  encroach  upon 

their 

71  This  extract  is  given  in  the  Ma-    printed  in  Hutchinfon's  Collection,  ii. 
ther  Papers  above  cited  (Mafs.    Hift.     296-298. 

Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser.  viii.  531).  A  part  73  This  is  given  in  the  Mather  Pa- 
of  it  is  alfo  given  in  Hutchinfon's  Hif-  pers  already  cited  ;  but  the  qualifying 
tory,  i.  354.  claufes  even  in  the  copy  there  printed 

were  omitted  in  the  preparation  of  this 

72  This  line  occurs  in  a  long  letter    inflammatory  pamphlet. 

(207) 


[20] 

their  Lands,  and  by  degrees  to  drive  them  out  of  all ;  That 
was  the  Groitnd  and  Beginning  of  the  lajl  War.  His  Ex- 
cellency has  all  along  taken  other  Meafures  with  them. 

I  hear  Mr.  Mather  and  fuch  like  Men  of  Antimonarchical 
principles  at  home  are  complaining  againft^  me :  I  confefs, 
if  being  the  Occafion  of  Subverting  their  Old  Arbitrary 
Government  be  a  Crime,  /  mujl  Submit.74 


Printed  in  the  year  1689. 


74  We  have  already  faid  that  Cotton 
Mather  was  intimately  connected  with 
the  preparation  of  this  tra<5t.  The 
proof  is  as  follows.  In  the  fixth  vol- 
ume of  Mather  manufcripts,  now  pre- 
ferved  in  the  Prince  Library,  will  be 
found  (pp.  56-57)  abftracts  of  certain 
letters  from  Randolph  and  Dudley, 
made  by  Cotton  Mather,  and  in  his 
handwriting.  Undoubtedly  he  had  ob- 
tained the  originals,  and  thefe  paffed 
finally  to  Hutchinfon,  who  printed  them 
in  full,  as  we  have  mentioned  in  our  foot 
notes,  ante.  But  the  interefting  fa<5t  is 
that  thefe  abftracts  by  Mather  are 
exactly  the  ones  printed  in  this  tract, 
except  that  his  copy  contains  fections 
herein  omitted.  And  on  this  Mather 
copy  lines  are  drawn  under  fuch  por- 
tions as  are  printed,  fo  as  to  direct  a 
copyift  what  to  take,  or  the  printer 
what  to  ufe.  The  inference  is  inevita- 
ble that  Cotton  Mather  furniftied  di- 
rectly all  thefe  extracts,  though  he  or 


fome  coadjutor  felected  a  part  only  for 
publication  in  the  foregoing  pamphlet. 

As  the  omiflions  are  very  fignificant, 
we  will  edit  Cotton  Mather's  abftracts. 

I.  R.  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon    June 
14.  1682. 


"  His  Majefties  Quo  Warranto 
againft  the  Charter  and  fending  for 
Thorn.  Danforth,  Sam.  Nowell,  a  late 
factious  preacher  and  now  a  Magif- 
trate,  Daniel  Fifher  and  Elima  Cook, 
Deputies,  to  attend  and  anfwer  the 
articles  of  high  mifdemeanour  I  have 
now  exhibited  againft  them  in  my 
papers  fent  Mr.  Blathwait,  will  make 
that  whole  Faction  tremble."  [Then 
follows  the  printed  fection,  "  I  humbly 
befeech  ....  paid  out  of  their  Fines."] 
"  If  the  party  were  fo  confiderable  as  to 
Revolt,  upon  his  Majefties  Refolution 
to  fettle  this  plantation,  their  firft  Work 
would  bee  to  call  mee  to  account  for 
Endeavouring 
(208) 


[21] 


Endeavouring  openly  the  Alteration  of 
their  Constitution,  which  by  their  Law 
is  Death."  [Then  the  reft  of  the  letter 
as  printed.]  "As  for  all  the  perfons 
joined  and  concerned  in  the  Faction 
here,  I  know  but  one  man  who  was  not 
himfelf  a  fervant  or  a  fervant's  fon." 

2.  R.  to  the  Lords     Dec  3.  1684. 

"  There  are  dangerous  principles 
among  them,  which  Mr.  Mather  main- 
tains and  propagates."  [Then  the  reft 
as  printed  in  the  pamphlet.] 

3.  R  to  the  B.  of  [London]    June  14, 

1682. 

[Juft  what  is  printed.] 

4.  R  to  the  B.  of  [London],     May  29, 

1682. 

[Begins  as  printed  fix  lines  through 
"towards  that  charge."]  Then  Ma- 
ther fays  ["  Story  of  reconciliation 
between  O.  and  N.  Ch.]  "  Major  Dud- 
ley is  a  great  oppofer  of  the  Faction 
againft  which  I  have  now  articled  to  his 
Majefty,  who  if  he  finds  things  refo- 
lutely  managed,  will  cringe  and  bow  to 
any  thing.  Hee  hath  his  fortunes  to 
make  in  the  World.  I  give  him  2  or 
3  lines  to  recommend  him  to  your 
Lordfhip's  favour  fo  far  as  hee  may  bee 
ferviceable  to  your  Defign."  [Then  as 
printed,  from  "  As  for  Capt.  Richards, 
hee  is  one  of  the  faction."  .  .  .  through 
"  work  to  gett  more."]  "  As  for  Rich- 
ards hee  ought  to  be  kept  very  fafe  till 
all  things  tending  to  the  Quiet  and 
Regulation  of  this  Government  be  per- 
fectly fettled."  "  Wee  have  in  Bofton 
one  Mr.  Willard,  Brother  to  Major 
Dudley."  "  Hee  is  a  moderate  man  and 
baptizes  thofe  who  are  refufed  by  other 
churches,  for  which  hee  is  hated."  "  I 
preft  for  able  and  fober  minifters,  and 
wee  will  contribute  largely  to  their 
maintenance  ;  but  one  thing  will  mainly 


help,  when  no  marriages  hereafter  (hall 
be  allowed  Lawful,  but  fuch  as  are  made 
by  the  members  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land." 

5.  R.  to  the  A.   B.   of  [Canterbury.] 
Oct.  27,  1686. 

[Begins  as  in  print,  through  "  Mr- 
Hinkley,  a  Rigid  Independent,  and 
others  like  to  thefe."]  "The  poor  In- 
dians (thofe  who  are  called  Minifters) 
come  and  complain  to  Mr.  Ratcliff,  our 
Minifter,  that  they  have  nothing  allowed 
them.  Wee  have  fpoken  to  the  Com- 
miffioners  to  have  fome  allowance  for 
them.  All  wee  can  get  is  the  promife 
of  a  coarfe  coat  againft  Winter,  and 
they  would  not  fuffer  Aaron,  an  Indian 
preacher  who  can  read  Englifh  very 
well,  to  have  a  Bible  with  the  Common 
Prayer  in  it,  but  took  it  away  from 
him."  [Then  the  reft  as  printed, 
through  "a  fmall  contribution."],  and 
are  yett  forced  to  meet  in  the  Town 
Houfe."  "Story  of  the  Old  Ch. 
Bell." 

6.  R.  to  Blathwait,  May  21.  1687. 

[Juft  as  printed.] 
7.  R  to  Povey,  May  21.  1687. 

[The  line  as  printed.]  "A  little 
time  will  try  what  our  new  Judges, 
Dudley  and  Stoughton  will  fay  when 
either  Indian  purchafes  or  grants  from 
the  General  Court  are  queftioned  be- 
fore them."  "  Mr.  Mafon  is  very 
acceptable  to  his  Excellency  and  to 
many  of  us.  Moodey  is  out  of  hu- 
mour ;  I  believe  hee  will  bee  obliged 
to  Leave  this  Town." 

8.  R.  to  Mr.  Pen.     Nov.  9.  1688. 

[As  printed  four  lines,  through  "  othei 

meafures  with  them."]     "  I  hope  the 

proclamation 


AA 


(209) 


[22] 


proclamation  and  the  Indians'  confi- 
dence in  the  Governor's  favour  to  fuch 
as  mall  fubmit,  may  putt  a  flop  to  their 
prefent  Rage."  [Then  as  printed,  ex- 
cept the  laft  claufe  is  "  fubverting  their 
arbitrary  government  (and  thereby  pitt- 
ting  a  flop  to  the  perfecuting  fpirit  rag- 
ing every  where  in  this  country)  bee  a 
crime,  I  muft  fubmitt."  The  claufe  in 
italics  was  omitted  in  the  pamphlet.] 

9  and  10.  Copies  are  given  of  two 
letters  from  Dudley  to  Randolph. 
Thefe  were  not  printed  in  the  pam- 
phlet, and  are  as  follows  :  — 

9.  D.  to  R.  Dec.  I,  1684. 

I  wrote  you  my  willingnefs  to  fuftain 
fome  place  in  the  Regulation. 

You  will  bee  very  eafily  capable  to 
recommend  your  befl  Friends,  who  will 
bee  fuch  alfo  as  may  bee  acceptable  to 
the  Body  of  this  people. 

Lett  not  particular  perfons  be  mutt 
up  from  Redrefs  of  111  IfTues  here. 

I  would  bee  glad  that  the  Placita 
coronas  might  bee  fliut  up,  except  the 
Treafonable  Libel,  which  I  can  gett  no 
copy  of. 

Here  is  a  ftrange  Spirit  in  fome  of 
the  people,  towards  Mr.  St.[oughton] 
and  Bu.[llivant]  but  beyond  all  account 
againft  my  felf,  —  of  which,  if  the  New- 
Settlement  mould  take  no  notice,  how- 
ever they  may  bee  difappointed,  they 
will  fling  up  their  caps  for  joy,  that  wee 
are  neglected. 

If  his  Majefty  mould  at  firft  betruft 
the  Government  -wholly  to  perfons 
among  us,  I  am  fure  the  charge  would 
be  the  lefs,  and  I  beleeve  the  fervice 


performed  to  good  fatisfaction,  both  to 
His  Majefty  and  people. 

10.  D.  to  R.  June  7,  1684. 

I  fuppofe,  notwithftanding  all  the 
Delayes  you  complain  of,  if  Mr.  At- 
turney  General  pleafe,  Trinity  Term 
may  end  His  Majefties  fuit,  and  make 
Way  for  his  perfect  Satisfaction.  When 
I  may  expect  to  fatisfy  myfelf. 

I  have  fince  fometimes  Drank  your 
Health  at  my  Dame  Taylor's. 

Wee  well  know  that  your  Influence 
and  Induftry  may  prevail  much.     Sir, 
Wee  drink  your  Health,  and  are 
Your  mofl  humble  Servants 
J.  D. 
THADDEUS  MACKARTY. 

II.  R.  to  the  Lord  Treafurer.     Aug. 
23,  1686. 

[Not  printed  in  the  pamphlet.  The 
extract  is  as  follows  :  "  Liberty  of  Con- 
fcience  will  much  obftruct  the  Settle- 
ment of  this  Place." 

"The  Commifliion  fent  hither" was. 
but  Temporary  and  ferved  only  to  un- 
hinge the  Commonwealth,  which  for 
many  years  was  ufurped  and  managed 
by  a  Faction." 

We  may  conclude,  then,  that  the 
author  of  the  tract,  taking  Cotton  Ma- 
ther's abftract  as  his  bafis,  carefully 
ftruck  out  such  of  Randolph's  charges 
as  were  too  true,  or  that  gave  ground 
for  reflections  upon  the  leaders  of  the 
popular  party.  Efpecially  is  this  the 
cafe  in  regard  to  Dudley ;  and  herein 
may  yet  be  found  a  clue  to  the  author- 
ftiip  of  the  pamphlet. 


(210) 


Edward  Randolph. 


75  TN  regard  to  the  family  and  antecedents  of  Edward  Randolph,  little  is  known. 

•*-  I  am  indebted  to  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Efq.,  for  the  information  that 
Edward  was  the  fon  of  Edmund  Randolph,*  of  Canterbury,  co.  Kent,  Doctor  of 
Phyfic,  by  Deborah,  daughter  of  Giles  Matter,  of  Canterbury.  Edward  married 
Jane  Gibbon,  of  Weftcliff,  co.  Kent,  whofe  brother,  Richard  Gibbon,  M.D., 
married  Anne  Tufton,  fitter  to  Robert  Mafon  (Tufton)  and  granddaughter  of 
Capt.  John  Mafon,  of  Colonial  fame.  From  letters  dated  in  1684,  from  Ran- 
dolph, at  Whitehall,  to  Shrimpton,  at  Bofton  (Mafs.  Hift.  Soc.  Coll.  4th  Ser. 
viii.  524-526),  it  feems  that  Randolph  had  daughters,  Betty,  Mary,  and  Jane,  then 
living  at  Bofton,  and  that  probably  his  wife  was  dead  or  certainly  not  refiding 
here.  He  alfo  mentions  a  brother  "  fent  over  to  fucceed  my  brother  Gyls,"  i.  e., 
Giles.  He  alfo  mentions  "brother  Allen."  So,  in  the  fame  volume  (p.  102), 
Mather  fays,  "  belike  the  Jew's  name  that  carried  the  letter,  was  either  Edward 
or  Bernard15  Randolph."  Alfo,  "that  one  of  the  Randolphs,  being  detected  of 
fuch  villany  "  (forgery),  "  is  lately  fled  to  fave  his  ears." 

According  to  Randolph's  own  ftory,  he  firft  landed  here  June  loth,  1676,  and 
arrived  back  September  loth  of  the  fame  year.  December  7th,  1679,  ne  made 
a  fecond  voyage  hither,  arriving  at  New  York,  and  went  back  to  England  in 
January,  1680.  December  I7th,  1681,  he  arrived  at  Bofton,  after  a  third  voyage, 
and  May  28th,  1683,  he  arrived  in  England.  July  2oth,  1683,  after  a  fourth 
voyage,  he  landed  at  Bofton,  returning  December  I4th  following.  January  2oth, 
1685-86,  he  embarked  on  a  fifth  voyage,  and  remained  here  till  Andres's  over- 
throw. 

It 

"  It  feems  by  Notes  and  Queries,  4th  Ser.  vi.  *  In  Allibone,  we  find  that  a  Bernard  Randolph 

74,  that  in  1571,  Thomas  Randolph,  of  Badlefmere,      was  the  author  of  two  pamphlets,  printed  in  1686  and 
co.    Kent,    foil    of   Avery    and    Anne    (Gainsford)      1687,  about  the  Iflands  in  the  Grecian  Archipelago 
Randolph,  had  confirmed  to  him  the  arms  of  Sir      and  the  Morea. 
John  Randolph,  viz.,  "Gules,  on  a  crofs  argent,  five 
mullets  fable,"  quartering  the  arms  of  Eyniham  and 
Stokes.    Poffibly  this  is  the  fame  family. 

(211) 


[2] 


It  feems,  however,  from  a  note  to  Hutchinfon  (Hift.  i.  329),  that  "  Randolph  in 
a  reprefentation  of  his  fervices  to  the  committee  of  Council,  fays  that  he  had  made 
eight  voyages  to  New  England  in  nine  years."  The  date  is  not  given.  But  in  his 
report  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  (printed  herein),  date  May  29, 
1689,  he  mentions  thofe  who  are  his  enemies  "  for  my  faithfull  fervices  to  the 
Crowne  for  fourteen  yeares  in  this  country."  This  would  make  his  firft  vifit 
hither  as  early  as  1675.  The  queftion  is  one  of  fome  importance,  fince  our  hif- 
torians  generally  undervalue  Randolph's  firft  report  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
only  been  four  months  in  the  country.  If  he  had  been  here  before  1676,  his 
opinions  are  entitled  to  more  weight 

The  part  taken  by  Randolph  in  Andros's  adminiflration  is  generally  mown  by 
the  papers  already  printed.  After  the  Revolution,  Randolph  was  fent  back  to 
England  with  Andros,  and,  like  him,  efcaped  all  punimment. 

From  Letters  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  New  York  documents,  it  feems  that, 
in  1697-98,  Randolph  was  at  New  York,  a£ling  under  inftruclions  from  the  Com- 
miffioners  of  Cuftoms  ;  that  he  liad  been  to  Maryland  and  Pennfylvania,  and  was 
to  go  to  Carolina,  Bermuda,  and  the  Bahamas.  His  office  was  apparently  that 
of  Surveyor- General  of  the  Cuftoms  on  the  Continent  of  America.  It  alfo 
feems  (R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  339)  that  he  came  to  Bofton  from  New  York. 

Of  Randolph's  later  career,  I  find  nothing,  except  Cotton  Mather's  fpiteful 
note,  written  in  1724  (ante,  p.  130),  to  the  eflfecl;  that  he  died  in  Virginia,  with  only 
two  or  three  negroes  to  carry  him  to  his  grave. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  there  was  a  famous  family  of  Randolphs  then  in  Vir- 
ginia (Meade's  Old  Families  of  Virginia,  i.  138),  the  head  of  which  was  Wil- 
liam Randolph,  of  Turkey  Ifland.  He  was  a  nephew  of  Thomas  Randolph,  the 
poet,  who  was  born  in  1605,  at  Badby,  County  Northampton,  and  died  in  1634. 


The  following  lift  of  papers,  already  in  print,  relating  to  Randolph,  may  prove 
of  fervice :  — 

1676.      Sept.  20.  ?  Randolph>s  Report  on  the  Colonies  .     Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  210. 

v-/Ct«      I2«  \ 

1678.      July      9.     Randolph's   inftruc~lions   from  Com- 

miffioners Coll.  3d  S.  vii.  129. 

1680.  Randolph's    inftruftions  againft   the 

Boftoneers Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  264. 

1680-1.  Feb.    15.     Randolph  againft  Gen.  Ct.  of  Mafs.  .     Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  266. 
1682.       May   29.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Bp.  of  London  .     Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  271. 

1682. 
(212) 


[3] 


1682.  June    14.     Randolph's  Letter  to  E.  of  Clarendon  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  275. 
July     14.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Bp.  of  London  .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  279. 

1683.  Dec.   13.     Randolph's  Letter  to  I.  Mather    .     .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  524. 

1684.  July    18.     Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  Shrimpton  .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  524. 

21.     Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  Shrimpton  .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  525. 

Sept.    4.     Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  Bradftreet    .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  527. 
Dec.     3.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Treaf- 

ury Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  530. 

8.     Randolph's  Letter  from  Bradftreet     .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  527. 

1684-5.  Feb.     9.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Dudley  .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  283. 

1685.  July       7.     Randolph's  Report  and  Privy  Coun- 

cil's Report N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  362. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbimop  of 

Canterbury Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  291. 

Aug.     3.     Randolph's     Propofals    about    Quo 

Warranto R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  177. 

18.     Randolph's     Propofals     about    Quo 

Warranto R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  178. 

Randolph's  Articles  againft  R.  I.      .  R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  175. 

Sept.  21.     Randolph's  Commiffion Coll.  3d  S.  vii.  161. 

1686.  May    27.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  352. 
July    28.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Commiflioners  .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  285. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  W.  Blathwayt  .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  288. 

Aug.  23.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Lord  Treafurer  Coll.  3d  S.  vii.  154. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Board  of  Trade  R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  205. 
Oct.    27.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbifliop  of 

Canterbury Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  294. 

Dec.   23.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat .     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  375. 

1687.  May    21.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey    .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  297. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Blathwayt    .     .  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  531. 

1687-8.  Jan.     24.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey     .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  299. 

Mch.  10.     Randolph's  Letter  from  Blathwayt    .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  301. 

18.     Randolph's  Letter  from  Povey      .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  303. 

1688.  June  21.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey     .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  304. 
Oct.      8.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  567. 
Nov.     9.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Pen    ....  Coll.  4th  S.  viii.  531. 

1689.  May    16.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Barba- 

dos    Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  314. 

29.  Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  578. 
Nov.  25.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Elifha  Cooke    .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  318. 
Dec.    28.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Brockholft  .     .  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  664. 

1698.       April  26.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  N.  Y.  Doc.  iv.  300. 

May    16.     Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  N.  Y.  Doc.  iv.  311. 

30.  Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  R.  I.  Rec.  iii.  339. 


(213) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvii.  p.  220.] 

A  fhort  Narrative  of  my  proceedings  and 

feveral  Voyages  to  and  from  N.  England  to  Whitehall 
during  the  time  of  mannageing  his  Majefties  affaires  in 
N.  England,  humbly  prefented  by  Edward  Randolph. 

.675.          ^muim^tM\   RECEIVED     his    Majefties    Letters    to    the 
HCXf  sSOm     Governor  and   Company  of  the  Maffachufets 


Bay  in  New  England  to  attend  at  Whitehall 
and  anfwer  the  Complaints  brought   againft 
them  by  Mr  Mafon  and  Mr  Gorges 

l676.  I  arrived  in  N.  England  and  delivered  his 

June  10.  Majefties  Letters  to  the  Governour  and  Council  then  fitting 
at  Bofton. 

juiy  30.  I  Imbarked  myfelf  for  England. 

sept  lo.  I  Landed  at  Dover  and  prefented  the  Right  Honorable 
the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade,  with  a  Narration  of 
the  Eftate  of  their  Country  and  Government ;  and  Exhibited 
Articles  of  high  Mifdemeanour  againft  the  Governour  and 
Company. 

i678.  Two  Agents  arrived  in   England  from  Bofton  to  make 

their  defence.  I  attended  two  years  and  made  good  my 
Charge  againft  the  Governour  and  Company  at  the  Council 
Chamber.  The  Agents  confefs  the  fact,  pray  his  Majefties 
pardon,  and  acknowledge  his  Majefties  Right  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Province  of  N.  Hampfhire. 

The 

(214) 


[s] 

The    Bofton   Agents   have   leave   to   returne  and   New      .679. 
Agents  to  be  fent  with  full  power. 

I  was  commanded  to  go  for  N.  England  by  way  of  N.      oa.  23. 
York  to  Carry  over  his  Majefties  Commiffion  of  Government 
directed  to  a  Prefident  and  Council  in  New  Hampfhire. 

I  fhipp'd  all  my  goods  and  Houfehold  ftuffe  of  a  confid-    — 29. 
erable  value  upon  a  veffell  belonging  to  N.  England,  and 
are  all  loft  at  fea  together  with  his  late  Majefties  picture  and 
Royal  Amies  fent  to  N.  Hampfhire. 

I  arrived  at  N.  York  and  traveled  by  land  from  thence  to      Dec.  7. 
New  Hampfhire  in  the  winter,  nigh  four  hundred  miles. 

I  arrived  at  N.  Hampfhire  and  after  great  Oppofition     — >7. 
made  by  the  Boftoneers,  fettled   the  Government  in  that 
Province. 

His   Majefties  Government  declared  and  owned  in  the      jan.iS. 
Province  of  New  Hampfhire. 

I  returned  from  N.  Hampfhire  to  Bofton,  Impowered  by      — 28. 
the  Commiffioners  of  his  Majefties  Cuftoms  to  prevent  the 
Irregular  Trade.     I  feized  feveral  of  their  Veffels  with  their 
Loading. 

His  Majefties  Authority  and  the  Acts  of  Trade  difowned       i6&>. 
openly  in  their  Courts,  and  I  was  caft  in  all  thofe  Caufes  and 
damages  given'  againft  his  Majefty. 

Having  complained  hereof  I  returned  to  England  and      MW.  xS. 
obtained  his  Majefties  Letters  Pattents  to  be  Collector  of  his 
Majefties  Cuftoms  in  New  England. 

The  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  IMI. 
Trade  report  to  his  Majefty  that  in  confideration  of  my 
good  Service,  I  ought  to  have  a  hundred  pounds  annually 
added  to  my  former  fallary  of  one  hundred  pounds,  but  his 
Majefties  fervice  requireing  my  fpeedy  Returne  to  N.  Eng- 
land, I  was  difpatched  away  and  that  Addition  not  fetled. 

I  arrived  again  at  Bofton  in  N.  England  with  his  Majefties      Dec.  i7. 
Commiffion  appointing  me  Collector  &c,  but  that  Commif- 
fion 
(215) 


[6] 


fion  is  oppofed  being  looked  upon  as  an  Encroachment  on 

their  Charter. 
Mar.  jo.          A  Law  revived  by  the  Affembly  to  try  me  for  my  life  and 

for  acting  by  his  Majefties  Commiffion  before  it  was  allowed 

by  them. 
1682.  His  Majefties  Commiffion  not  allowed  to  be  read  openly 

in  Courts.     My  Deputies  and  under  officers  Imprifoned  for 

acting  by  virtue  of  his  Majefties  Commiffion. 
Aug.  20.          Other  Agents  from  Bofton  arrived  in  England. 
sept.  20.          Bofton  Agents  appearing  are  directed  to  procure  larger 

Powers. 
Dec.  20.          I  received  Orders  from  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  to 

Returne  to  England  to  profecute  a  Quo  Warranto  againft 

the  Bofton  Charter 

iS'28.  I  arrived  in  England. 

June  13.  I  was  ordered  to  attend  Mr  Attorney  General  with  proofs 
of  the  Charge  againft  the  Bofton  Government. 

juiy 20.  I  arrived  in  N.  England,  ferved  the  Quo  Warranto,  pub- 

limed  and  difperfed  two  hundred  of  his  Majefties  declara- 
tions. 

Dec.  14.  I  Imbarked  myfelf  for  England,  had  a  dangerous  Voyage. 

The  veffell  wrecked  at  fea,  both  her  fides  carried  away  in  a 
ftorme,  and  all  my  goods  loft. 

Feb.  i4.  I  arrived  at  Plymouth  and  was  commanded  to  attend  and 

profecute  the  Bofton  Charter 

oa4'23.  Judgment  was  entred   up  for  his    Majeftie    againft   the 

Bofton  Charter. 
Dec.  20.          i  was  ordered  to  prepare  Articles  againft  the  two  Colonies 

of  Rhode  liland  and  Connetticott. 

jdyxs.  The   Attorney  Generall  ordered  to   Iffue  out  Writs  of 

Quo  Warranto  againft  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Ifland,  Connet- 
ticott 
(216) 


[7] 

ticott  &c  and  againft  the  feveral  Proprietors  of  Maryland, 
Penfilvania  and  Eaft  and  Weft  Jerfey 

I  was  directed  to  ferve  the  Quo  Warranto  upon  my  Lord      AU^.  15. 
Baltimore,  Proprietor  of  Maryland,  and  the  Proprietors  of 
Eaft  and  Weft  Jerfey,  and  to  ferve  two  writs  upon  the 
Colonies  of  R.  Ifland  and  Connetticott,  all  which  I  duly 
performed. 

I  and  my  family  Imbarked  upon  the  Rofe  friggot  for  N.      Jan.  20. 
England. 

1686 

I   arrived  at   Bofton  with  his  Majefties   Commiffion  of      May  M. 
Government  to  a  Prefident  and  Council. 

Then  the  Colony  of  Maffachufets  Bay,  the  Province  of 
New  Hampfhire  and  Maine  are  brought  under  his  Majefties 
Government. 

I  ferved  the  writ  of  Quo  Warranto  upon  the  Governour      May30. 
and  Company  of  Rhode  Ifland. 

I  made  a  fecond  journey  to  Rhode  Ifland  to  receive  the      June  12. 
General  Court's  anfwer. 

I  ferved  the  writ  of  Quo  Warranto  upon  the  Governour      juiyI2. 
and  Company  of  Connetticott,  above  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  diftant  from  Bofton. 

The  Governour  and  Company  of  Rhode  Ifland  humbly 
fubmit  to  his  Majeftie,  and  are  by  his  Majefties  Special  Order 
to  his  Excellency  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Knt.,  united  to  this 
Government 

I  received  a  fecond  writ  of  Quo  Warranto  againft  Con-      Dec.  2s. 
netticott  and  was  ordered  to  ferve  it. 

A  fecond  writt  upon  the  government  of  Connetticott  is      Dec.  3<>. 
ferved  upon  the   Government.     They  make  their  humble 
fubmiffion  of  themfelves  and  government  to  his  Majeftie. 

His    Excellency  goes  to  Hartford,  the  cheife  Town  in      oft.** 
Connetticott  and  erects  his  Majefties  Government  there,  So 
that  now  the  feveral  Colonies  are  united  under  his  Majefties 
Immediate  Government  and  authority,  viz*.  The  Maffachu- 
fets, 
BB  (217) 


[8] 

fets,  New  Plymouth,  Conneticott,  Rhode  Ifland,  and  the 
Provinces  of  N.  Hampfhire,  Maine  and  Pemaquid  and  the 
Kings  Province,  lying  above  feven  hundred  miles  in  length 
and  above  feven  hundred  miles  upon  the  weftern  Sea. 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Political,  vol.  cvi.  p.  212.] 

BOSTON,  June  ye  23^  1676 
76  HOND  SIR, 

|HE  diredions  of  his  Maties  letter  of  March  ye  2Oth 
1675-6  to  Our  Trudy  and  well  beloved  the 
Govern1"  and  Magiftrates  of  our  towne  of  Bofton 
in  New  England,  prefuppofeth  a  powre  in  them  to 
give  a  fufficient  anfweare  to  the  contents  thereof ;  and  the 
better  to  prevent  frustrating  or  evading  the  true  intent  of 
this  his  Maties  meffage  to  you,  hee  hath  been  Gracioufly 
pleafed  to  allott  a  month's  tyme  for  the  due  and  punctual 
perfecting  your  anfweare  (for  which  I  am  ordered  foe  long 
and  not  further  to  attend.)  And  if  a  Generall  Court  bee 
more  proper  for  difpatching  matters  of  foe  weighty  concerne 
be  pleafed  to  affemble  that.  In  the  meane  tyme  according  to 
my  inftructions  I  continue  to  require  an  anfweare  to  his 
Maties  letter  to  bee  delivered  to  me  at  or  before  the  expira- 
tion of  the  tyme  limited,  befeeching  you  to  refer  your  pre- 
liminary difcourfing  my  inftruclions  and  my  mefiage  thereof 

to 

78  Randolph  has  given  a  full  and  This  letter  is  referred  to  (p.  244)  as  a 

interefting  account  of  his  reception  by  "  memorial    given    in    to    the    Gover- 

the  authorities  here,  in  a  letter  printed  nour." 
in  Hutchinfon's  Collection,  ii.  240-251. 

(218) 


to  his  Matle  and  Councill  to  whom  onely  I  (land  accountable, 
and  am  Sir, 

Your  humble  ferv1 

ED.  RANDOLPH. 

Be  pleafed  to  give  me  your 
Anfvveare  in  writing  p.  firft  opportunity 

E.  R. 

Endorfed  to  Hon  John  Leverett,  Govr 
recd  June  23,  4  o'clock 


GEN1 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Political,  vol.  cvi.  p.  213.] 

BOSTON  July  ye  6,  1676. 


[OURS  of  the  26th  of  June  lafl  is  received  directed 
to  E.  R.  etc.  in  which  you  are  pleafed  to  acquaint 
me  that  fuch  was  your  cafe,  not  to  be  juftly  accufed 
of  neglect  in  any  kind  —  that  you  took  the  firft 
opportunity  to  fend  your  anfweare  to  his  Maties  letter,  which 
is  (as  I  fuppofe)  difpatched  for  England  by  a  Mr  of  a  fhipp. 
That  is  VGTSQOV  nQon-Qov™  and  denotes  fome  deviation  from  his 
Maties  methods  of  tranfacting  this  affair  with  you,  who  was 
gracioufly  pleafed  to  committ  both  His  original  letters  to 
you  directed  and  duplicate  (to  bee  managed  by  the  Mr  of  the 
fhip  in  cafe  of  my  failer  at  fea)  to  my  charge  and  care.  But 
you  fend  your  original  (which  is  not  expected  till  my  returne) 
by  the  mafter  of  a  fhip  (bufmefs  preventing  my  foe  fpeedy 
returne  and  offer  a  duplicate  to  me  his  Maties  expreffe. 

I  have 

77  "  Hufteron  Proteron,"  the  laft  the  firft. 
(219) 


[10] 

I  have  other  matters  under  my  charge  alfo  for  his  Maties 
efpeciall  fervice  which  I  am  not  to  communicate  nor  can  be 
difpatched  in  lefs  than  a  month.  Tho  by  me  limited  for  my 
demanding  and  attending  for  your  anfweare,  it  was  not 
expected  upon  his  Maties  Gracious  condifcention  of  6  months 
tyme  for  your  Agents  appearance  at  White  Hall  that  I 
mould  be  ported  away  for  England  after  the  tedioufnefs  of  a 
ten  weekes  paffage,  and  foe  by  fuch  a  rapid  motion  be  necef- 
fitated  to  leave  my  other  weightier  affaires  uneffecled,  or  elfe 
to  have  that  his  Matie  recommended  to  my  care,  tranfmitted 
by  another  hand. 

Some  things  in  your  letter  feem  to  have  a  particular  re- 
flection on  my  carriage  and  behaviour  \vhich  charity  dic- 
tates tafitely  to  pretermitt  I  did  believe  my  obedience  to  a 
Supream  Authority  would  not  render  me  obnoxious  to  its 
inf[erior]  and  deriviative  party,  and  make  me  liable  to  the 
cenfure  of  mifdemeanour  or  be  guilty  of  flighting  or  irreg- 
ularly impofing  any  Authority  eftablifhed  [by  his]  Ma17.  If 
fo  I  beg  your  pardon  and  defire  your  infpeclion  of  this  mat- 
ter may  be  referred  to  his  Majefty,  whofe  fubjecls  we  all  are, 
though  in  a  different  relation. 

However  in  my  vindication  give  me  leave  to  fay,  that 
when  I  firft  attended  this  Counfel  after  Mr  Rawfon  had 
read  his  Majefties  Letter  (and  not  the  Governor  as  is  hinted 
in  your  Letter  as  ....  petitions.  I  then  acquainted  the 
Councell  that  they  had  a  months  tyme  to  returne  their 
anfwer,  and  that  I  was  ordered  to  reconvey  it;  the  i5th  fol- 
lowing I  expreffed  myfelfe  in  Councell  to  the  fame  purpofe. 
And  the  day  following,  4  dayes  before  the  fhip  fayled  for 
England  I  waited  on  the  Governor  for  the  Councell's 
Anfwer.  But  hee  told  me  it  was  to  accompany  an  anfwer 
of  his  to  a  letter  from  Sir  Jofeph  Williamfon  brought  by 
the  matter  of  the  fame  fhip  I  failed  on.  Soe  that  by  this  it 
appeares  that  my  acquiefcence  (if  any)  is  only  paffive.  My 

remifnes 

(220) 


[II] 

remifnes  as  well  as  exceffe  in  performance  of  any  of  his 
Majefties  commands  renders  me  equally  difobedient,  there- 
fore I  ftriclly  keep  to  his  Majefties  orders  without  any  wilful 
abereation. 

And  now  fince  there  is  fuch  a  Cogency,  I  once  more  beg 
your  pardon.  And  againe  in  obedience  to  his  Majefties 

Letter  which  exprefily  faith  (that  Ed.  Randolph 

the  Councell  to  hear  the  fame  read  there ;  hee  being  by  us 
appointed  to  bring  back  the  anfwer,  and  the  words  of  the 
Generall  inftruclions  likewife  enjoine  you,  fhall  then  call 
for  an  anfwer  unto  thefe  Our  Letter,  from  the  faid  Governor 
and  Magiftrates,  and  demand  the  fame  within  a  month  after 
the  delivery  of  Our  Letters,  which  anfwear  when  you  have 
received  it  you  fhall  bring  back  to  Us  with  what  convenient 
fpeed  you  can)  I  doe  demand  your  anfwer  to  his  Majefties 
faid  letter,  and  foe  humbly  take  my  leave. 

Gentlemen,  I  am  not  confcious  to  my  felfe  of  any  difre- 
fpeclfull  or  unfutable  expreffion  dropped  verbally  or  by  my 
pen.  Yet  fmce  you  are  pleas'd  to  connive  at  what  you  feem 
to  apprehend  extravigant,  I  return  you  my  hearty  thanks ; 
as  alfo  for  your  friendly  advife  without  which  I  mould  have 
been  and  ftill  fhall  be  carefull  to  demeane  myfelf  according 
to  the  importance  of  my  charge,  and  that  refpect  due  to  you 
as  his  Majefties  minifters. 

I  am  your  moft  humble  and  obedient  fervant 

ED.  RANDOLPH 

I  am  returning  for  England 
upon  Mr.  Walley. 


(221) 


[12] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Political,  vol.  cvi.  p.  246.] 

WHITEHALL,  the  22  Odober  1681. 

HAVE  received  your  two  Letters  with  the  en- 
clofed  to  my  Lord  Culpepperand  am  glad  you  are 
fafely  gott  on  fliip  board,  which  I  reckon  halfe  the 
way  to  Bofton :  as  I  ceafe  not  to  perfue  you  at  all 
times  with  bufmefs  you  will  more  eafily  take  upon  you  the 
trouble  of  this  letter  to  the  Maffatufetts,  fince  it  is  chiefly 
intended  to  recommend  you  to  that  people,  with  what  fuc- 
cefs  I  cannot  tell.  It  is  exceeding  foft  and  gentle  and 
meddles  with  nothing  but  the  fending  Agents,  but  I  have 
reafon  to  hope  that  things  will  goe  never  the  lefs  well,  for 
this  mild  way  of  proceeding,  there  being  but  one  thing 
wanting  to  fett  all  right. 

I  heartily  wifh  you  and  your  family  may  have  a  profper- 
ous  Voyage  and  a  kind  welcome  at  Bofton  where  you  have 
but  one  rock  to  avoid  which  you  ought  to  be  aware  of,  I 
mean  your  letting  them  come  within  you  after  which  they 
will  eafily  give  you  the  Cornifh  Hugg. 

Pray  fpare  me  not  with  your  letters  fince  I  am  really  Sir 
your  moft  faithful  fervant. 

WILLIAM  BLATHWAYTES 

Pray  deliver  the  enclofed 


78  Indexed  as  B.  to  Randolph  ;  probably  fo  endorfed  on  the  paper  which  is 
now  parted  in  a  volume. 


(222) 


[13] 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Political,  vol.  cvi.  p.  263.] 

BOSTON,  June  23,  1682 

BEING  upon  the  Change  in  Bofton  heard  Lef" 
Dan.  Turel  fpeaking  to  Mr  Edw.  Randolph  —  fd 
hee  Cap"  Hutchinfon  why  doe  you  not  fpeke  to 
him  ?  fd  Randolph  Replyed,  I  had  as  leav  fpeke 
to  him  as  to  any  man  eliv,  if  it  fall  in  my  way.  I  looking 
about  fd  wtts  ye  matter.  Mr  Randolph  anfwered  you  Rated 
me  1 3/4  wch  I  pd  to  yor  Deputy.  I  afked  w"  Deputy  ?  Lef" 
Turel  fd  ye  Conftables  Deputy,  Tho.  Smiths  deputy  was  an- 
fwered. I  Replyed  you  did  well.  Mr  Randolph  fd,  I  intende 
to  rec.  it  back  again,  for  you  ought  not  to  Rate  me.  I  an- 
fwered we  had  as  much  Refon,  or  might  as  well  demand  it 
as  you  pay  it  He  faid  again  I  intend  to  have  it  returned. 
I  replyed  you  will  be  wifer  when  you  have  it  (or  muft  be 
wifer  nrfl).  He  faid  though  you  are  Longer  you  may  find 
them  y*  are  wifer.  I  fd  like  enuf.  Sd  Randolph  faid,  7  men 
may  cut  a  mans  puree  on  ye  high  way.  I  replyed  fuch  a 
knave  as  you  may  cheat  20  men.  He  faid  who  are  you, 
I  faid,  a  man.  he  faid,  when  you  have  your  buf  cote  on.  I 
replyed  as  good  as  you  with  your  forde  on.  He  faid  You 
are  no  Commiffioner  here.  I  faid,  I  have  as  good  a  Com- 
miffion  as  you,  my  ftaf  is  as  good  a  Commiffion  as  your 
fworde.  He  faid  wold  I  had  you  in  place  where  I  wold  try 
it.  I  replyed,  Try  now 

On  which  he  went  a  way  and  left  me,  we  having  no  more 
words  all  Change  time  and  I  faw  no  more  of  him.  This  is 
the  whole  difcourfe  y*  paffed  betwixt  us  as  neer  as  I  can 
remember  and  I  think  word  for  word,  as  witnes  my  hand, 
Fryday  about  one  a  Clock,  June  23,  1682. 

ELISHA  HUTCHINSON. 
r  (223) 


[Mafs.  Archives,  Ufurpation,  vol.  cxxvi.  p.  53.] 


EE  have  yours  of  the  3oth  of  June  laft  advifmg  us 
of  your  feizure  of  two  fmall  Veffells,  viz,  the 
Swallow,  Jofhua-Weft,  mafter,  and  the  Succefs, 
Jofhua  Glover,  mafter,  the  latter  of  which  Belongs 
to  Scotland  and  hath  been  an  old  Tranfgreffor :  foe  that  wee 
hope  there  will  be  noe  failure  in  your  Part  in  the  Effectual 
Profecution  thereof,  which  wee  fhall  Owne  as  very  good  Ser- 
vice. And  becaufe  you  Informe  us  that  the  Pinke  Succefs 
was  Loaden  moftly  with  Scotch  goods  for  which  he  produced 
his  Cocquetts,  wee  defire  you  to  fend  the  fame  to  us  by  the 
firft  Veffell  bound  hither,  whereby  wee  may  probably  detect 
fome  of  our  Officers,  whome  wee  have  fufpecled  to  be  guilty 
of  giving  out  Counterfeit  Cocquetts  and  other  Difpatches 
to  the  Prejudice  of  his  Mats  Duties.  We  mall  expect  to 
heare  from  you  by  all  convenient  Opportunitys,  and  be 
ready  to  give  you  all  Countenance  and  affiftance  in  the  dif- 
charge  of  your  Duty.  We  reft 


Cuftom  H°.  London 
7  Aug.  1686. 
Duplicate 


Your  Loving  friends 

SAM.  CLARKE 
Jo.  WERDEN. 
J.  BUTLER. 


CH.  CHEYNE 
BUCKWORTH 


Mr.  Randolph,  New  England. 


(224) 


[is] 

[N.  Y.  Hiftorical  Documents,  edited  by  J.  R.  Brodhead,  Efq.,  vol.  iii.  p.  578.] 

Mr.  Randolph  to  the  Lords  of  Trade. 

To  the  Right  Honble  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade 
&  Foreign  Plantacbns. 


A  fhort  narrative  of  the  prefent  unfe  tried  flate  of  His 
territory  and  dominion  of  New  England,  and  of  the  im- 
minent danger  of  its  being  overrun  by  the  French  Forces 
in  Cannada,  if  not  timely  prevented  :  humbly  prefented 
by  Edward  Randolph. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOR  LORDSHIPS. 

|  PON  the  eigh  tenth  day  of  A  prill  laft  the  people  of 
this  country  being  prepoffeffed  with  ftrange  feares 
and  jealoufyes  againfl  Sr  Edmund  Andros  Govr 
and  fome  of  the  members  of  the  Council,  took 
armes,  and  in  a  Ihort  time  made  themfelves  maflers  of  the 
fort  caftle  and  Rofe  frigott.  They  feized  upon  the  Govr  and 
committed  him  to  flricT;  guard  in  the  Fort,  fome  they  fent 
to  the  Caffcle,  and  imprifoned  me  and  others  in  the  common 
goale  in  Bofton.  The  reafons  of  their  fuddain  proceedings 
are  publifhed  in  their  printed  papers  herewith  humbly  tranf- 
mitted  N°  i.  2. 

Since  which  much  time  hath  bin  fpent  in  confulting  with 
the  mobile  what  modell  of  government  to  erecl:,  as  by  their 
papers  N°  3.  4.  But  your  Lordps  will  finde  by  their  paper 
N°  5.  that  they  intend  to  reaffume  and  act  according  to  the 
rules  of  their  former  Charter 

My 
cc  (225) 


My  Lords.  There  were  fome  perfons  inhabitants  of  Bof- 
ton  attending  laft  yeare  at  Whitehall 79  who  under  pretence 
of  grievances  and  hardfhips  put  upon  them  by  the  Govern1", 
laboured  by  all  meanes  to  fett  afide  the  government  as  it  was 
then  eftablimed,  and  to  obtaine  confirmacon  of  their  former 
Charter  from  the  late  King  James,  and  had  fo  farr  infmuated 
themfelves  into  the  good  opinion  of  Father  Peters  and  Sr 
Thomas  Powis  late  Atturney  Gen",  that  by  the  affiftance  of 
Mr  Brent  of  the  Temple,  their  folicitor,  they  obtained  a 
report  from  Sir  Thomas  Powys  to  the  then  Lords  of  the 
Committee  for  Trade,  in  their  favour,  that  their  former 
Charter  was  illegally  vacated  ;  a  duplicate  whereof  they 
tranfmitted  to  their  party  in  Bofton,  with  affurance  of  obtain- 
ing a  Charter  with  larger  power ;  and  they,  in  confidence  of 
their  Agents  good  fucceffe  and  impatient  of  further  delays, 
revolted,  and  thereby  anticipated  by  force  that  favour  they 
would  not  tarry  to  receive  from  England. 

About  the  yeare  One  Thoufand  Six  Hundred  Seventy 
Eight  it  was  made  apparent  to  the  Right  Honble  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  for  Trade  by  the  opinion  of  Sr  Will"1 
Jones  and  Sr  Francis  Winington  then  Atturney  and  Solic- 
itor Genu,  that  the  feverall  articles  of  high  mifdemeanour 
objected  againft  the  Govern1"  &  Company  of  the  Maffachu- 
fetts  Bay  in  New  England  for  their  maleadminiftracon,  were 
a  fufficient  ground  (if  proved)  for  his  Matye  to  proceed 
againft  their  Charter  by  law ;  fome  of  which  are  as  follows, 
viz1 — Coining  money  without  His  Maty's  permiffion  ;  — Trade- 
ing  contrary  to  ye  A6ls  of  Navigacon,  whereby  His  Matys 
revenue  was  greatly  impaired  (as  was  made  appeare  by  the 

peticon 

79  Reverend  Increafe   Mather  was  Samuel     Nowel,     Elifha    Hutchinfon, 

fent  to  England  in  April,  1688,  as  agent  and  Richard  Wharton  united  with  him 

for  the  province  of  Maffachufetts.     He  in    London    (Hutchinfon's    Hiftory   of 

embarked  at  night  and  in  difguife,  to  Maflachufetts,  i.  366,  367  ;   Chalmers's 

avoid  the  fervice  of  a  writ  which  Ran-  Political  Aimais,  467).  —  J.  R.  B. 
dolph    had    taken    out    againft    him. 

(226) 


[17] 

peticon  of  feverall  eminent  Merchants  of  London  prefented 
to  His  Maty  in  Council,)  Not  allowing  thofe  or  any  other 
Acts  of  Parliament  to  be  in  force  with  them  imlefs  foe 
declared  in  their  Gen11  Affembly ;  —  Denying  appeales  from 
their  Courts  to  England  ;  —  laying  Cuftomes  upon  the  goods 
of  His  Matyes  fubjecls  (not  freemen  of  the  colony)  tho'  im- 
ported directly  from  England ;  —  And  for  profecuting  by 
fines,  imprifonment,  whipping,  banimment  &  putting  to 
death,  His  Matyes  fubjecls  for  matters  in  religion.  All  which 
were  confeffed  by  their  Agents  in  their  petition  to  His  Maty 
during  their  attendance  at  Court  to  anfwer  the  complaints 
of  Mr  Mafon  and  Mr  Gorge  for  invadeing  their  Provinces  of 
New  Hampfhire  and  Maine  in  New  England.  Whereupon 
Sr  Robert  Sawyer  then  Atturney  Gen11  was  ordered  by  the 
Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  to  bring  a  Writt  of  Quo 
Warranto  againft  their  Charter,  which  for  thofe  feverall 
offences  and  alfoe  for  refufing  to  fubmitt  to  fuch  a  regulacon 
in  the  management  of  their  government  so  as  all  His  Matys 
fubje6ls  might  finde  equall  juftice  amongft  them ;  and  upon 
their  refufing  alfoe  to  plead  (tho'  they  had  all  favour  and 
time  allowed  them  to  make  their  defence)  was  vacated,  and 
a  commiffion  granted  to  feverall  gentlemen,  members  of  their 
late  Council,  to  exercife  government  in  that  colony ;  of  wch 
number  was  Mr  Bradftreet  (prefent  pretended  Govern1"),  who 
refufed,  and  the  others  with  great  difficulty  accepted  thereof, 
as  appeares  by  the  printed  paper  N°  6. 

About  the  yeare  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  eighty  five  the 
French  of  Canada  encroached  upon  the  lands  of  the  fubjecls 
of  the  Crowne  of  England,  building  forts  upon  the  heads 
of  their  great  Rivers,  &  extending  their  bounds,  difturbed 
the  inhabitants,  and  layd  a  clayme  to  thofe  lands  which  for 
many  yeares  had  belonged  to  the  Englifh ;  and  under  pre- 
tence of  a  right  to  the  fole  fifhery  between  the  degrees  of 
forty  three  and  forty  fix  North  latitude,  they  feized  eight 

New 
(227) 


New  England  ketches  loaden  with  fifh  off  the  coaft  of  Nova 
Scotia,  took  away  all  their  fifh,  treated  the  matters  moft 
barbaroufly  and  afterwards  carryed  them  and  moft  of  the 
ketches  to  Rochell,  where  they  were  a  long  time  imprifoned. 
The  mafters  came  afterwards  from  thence  to  New  England. 
I  then  affifted  them  in  their  applicacon  to  the  Earle  of  Sun- 
derland  and  to  the  Lord  Prefton,  then  Embaffadorin  France ; 
but  his  Lordfhip,  though  he  preffed  the  matter,  could  obtaine 
noe  redreffe.  Whereupon  it  was  advifed  and  ordered  in 
Council  that  the  three  fmall  Colonyes  of  Connecticott  New 
Plymouth  and  Rhode  Ifland,  not  able  to  make  any  defence 
againft  the  French,  together  with  the  Provinces  of  New 
Hampfhire  and  Maine,  fhould  t>e  united  and  made  one 
entire  government,  the  better  to  defend  themfelves  againft 
invafion.  And  accordingly  a  commiffion  was  directed  to  Sr 
Edmund  Andros  with  inftruccons  to  take  them  all  under 
his  care,  which  he  accordingly  accepted  and  they  in  a  fhort 
time  fubmitted  thereunto. 

The  French  about  Canada  intending  to  engroffe  the  whole 
beaver  trade  to  themfelves,  did  in  the  time  of  peace  furprize 
about  twenty  feven  of  the  chiefe  Captains  belonging  to  the 
Five  Nations  of  the  Indians  (traders  with  the  towne  of 
Albany  in  the  government  of  New  Yorke)  who  had  fub- 
jected  themfelves  to  the  Crowne  of  England  many  yeares 
agoe  &  have  bin  accounted  fubjecls  and  prtec~ted  both  by 
the  Dutch  and  Englifli  Government  att  New  Yorke.  And 
accordingly  Coll.  Dongan  received  orders  from  England  to 
affift  and  fupport  thefe  Five  Nations  of  Indians  againft  the 
French ;  and  certainly  they  had  deftroyed  and  outed  the 
French  out  of  Canada,  had  not  Coll.  Dongan,  upon  the  in- 
finuation  of  a  French  Jefuite,  kept  the  Indians  (much  againft 
their  inclinacons)  in  Albany,  maintained  at  the  Kings  charge 
for  feverall  weeks ;  in  which  time  the  French  Govern1"  fup- 
plyed  his  forts  with  all  forts  of  ftores  and  prvifions  for  one 

yeare 

(228) 


yeare  in  four  hundred  birch  canoes,  which  would  have  other- 
wife  fallen  into  the  hands  of  our  Indians,  and  the  forts  alfoe 
not  longer  able  for  want  of  fupplyes  to  hold  out.  Coll. 
Dongan  raifed  men  in  New  Yorke,  which  he  kept  for  fome 
time  at  Albany,  and  has  charged  for  that  expedition  about 
fix  thoufand  four  hundred  pounds,  as  by  his  originall  account 
appeares,  of  which  I  have  fomething  (when  in  England)  to 
lay  before  your  Lordfhips.  The  French  by  their  artifices 
obtain'd  at  our  Court  a  treaty  of  trade  and  commerce, 
betweene  the  fubjecls  of  the  two  Crowns,  in  the  yeare  1688. 
which  tho'  very  difadvantagious  to  the  Englifh  in  thofe  parts 
of  America,  yet  fmce  the  Provinces  of  New  Yorke  and  the 
Jerfeys  have  bin  united  to  New  England  under  the  governm* 
of  Sr  Edmund  Andros,  that  treaty  has  bin  duly  obferved,  both 
by  our  Indians  and  Englifh,  but  not  generally  by  the  French. 
They  very  much  court  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  to  fub- 
mitt  to  the  government  of  Canada,  and  by  their  Jefuites 
ftrangely  allure  them  with  their  beades  crucifixes  and  litle 
painted  Images,  gaining  many  new  converts.  One  Monfieur 
Town-to 80  a  French  officer  from  Canada  has  enlarged  their 

pretenfions 

80  Henry  de  Tonti  was  the  fon  of  months,  and  then  exchanged.     He  next 

Governor   Tonti,  of  Gayette,  Naples,  returned  to  Sicily,  and  made  a  campaign 

who,  after  the  revolution  in  that  king-  as  volunteer  in  the  galleys  ;  and  when 

dom,  removed  with  his  family  to  France,  the  troops  were  difcharged  at  the  peace, 

We  learn  from  his  petition  publifhed  in  he  repaired  to  court,  where  he  was  for- 

Sparks's  American  Biography,  xi.  203,  tunate  in  gaining  the  protection  of  the 

that  he  entered  the  army  as  a  cadet,  in  Prince   de    Conti,   who   recommended 

which  capacity  he  was  employed  in  the  him  to  La  Salle,  with  whom  he  went  to 

years   1668  and    1669;    he   afterwards  Canada  in  1678.     He  accompanied  this 

ferved  as  a  midmipman  four  years,  and  celebrated   adventurer  to   the   Illinois 

made  feven  campaigns,  four  on  board  country,  where  he  erected  Fort  Creve- 

fhips    of   war    and    three    in   galleys,  cour,  and  thence  proceeded  with-  him, 

While  at  Meffina,  he  was  made  cap-  in  1682,  in  his  famous  exploration  of  the 

tain-lieutenant.     When  the  enemy  at-  Miffiffippi  River.    At  the  termination  of 

tacked  the   poft  of  Libiffo,  his   right  thefe  discoveries,  he  remained,  in  1683, 

hand  was  fhot  away  by  a  grenade,  and  commandant  of  Fort  St.  Louis  (Peoria, 

he  was  taken  prifoner  and  conducted  Illinois),  where,  in  1684,  he  repulfed  an 

to  Metaffe,  where  he  was  detained  fix  attack  made  by  a  party  of  two  hundred 

Iroquois. 
(229) 


[20] 


pretenfions  and  fettled  a  Fort  and  garrifon  upon  the  Lakes 
on  the  back  fide  of  Carolina.  During  this  ceffation  upon 
the  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce,  they  are  not  idle,  but 
attempting  upon  the  Englifh  intereft  in  thefe  parts  of  the 
world. 

About  Auguft  laft,  the  time  Sr  Edmund  Andros  went  to 
take  poffeffion  of  the  government  at  New  Yorke,  eleven 
French  Indians,  killed  five  of  our  Indians  neere  the  towne 
of  Springfield  and  foon  after  five  Englifh  at  the  towne  of 
Northfield  upon  Connecticut  River ;  they  fled  to  Canada, 

and 


Iroquois.  He  vifited  Quebec,  in  the 
courfe  of  the  fame  year,  by  orders  of 
Governor  De  la  Barre  ;  and,  having  re- 
turned to  Illinois  as  captain  of  foot  and 
Governor  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  he  fet  out 
again  in  the  beginning  of  1686  (Charle- 
voix,  ii.  259,  fays,  1685)  for  the  mouth 
of  the  Miffiflippi,  in  fearch  of  his  chief, 
La  Salle,  who  was  expected  to  reach 
that  quarter  by  fea.  His  fearch  prov- 
ing unfuccefsful,  he  returned,  and  in 
1687  brought  down  a  party  of  Illinois 
to  the  aid  of  Denonville  in  his  attack 
on  the  Senecas,  where  he  commanded 
a  company  of  Canadians,  and  forced 
the  enemy's  ambufcade.  In  1689  he 
departed  for  Texas,  in  fearch  of  the  re- 
mains of  La  Salle's  people ;  but,  having 
been  deferted  by  his  men,  he  was  ob- 
liged to  relinquifh  his  defign  when 
within  feven  days'  march  of  the  Span- 
iards. He  again  vifited  the  mouth  of 
the  Mifliffippi  in  1700,  and  aided  Iber- 
ville  in  creeling  a  fort  in  that  quarter, 
where  he  was  employed  feveral  years 
afterwards.  Of  the  date  of  his  death, 
we  have  not  been  able  to  find  any 
record.  He  was  a  man  of  great  nerve 
and  bravery,  and  exercifed  a  powerful 
influence  in  the  weftern  country,  where 
he  was  known  by  the  foubriquet  of 
"  Bras  de  fer?  or  the  "  Iron  Hand," 


from  a  knob  of  that  metal  which  he 
carried,  covered  with  leather,  as  a 
fubftitute  for  the  hand  he  had  loft. 
With  this  weapon  he  would  dam  into 
the  centre  of  an  Indian  melee,  and  at  a 
blow  break  the  head  that  came  in  con- 
tact with  it.  Next  to  La  Salle,  he  con- 
tributed the  moft  to  the  exploration 
and  knowledge  of  the  Miffiflippi  valley. 
A  I2mo  volume  has  been  publifhed, 
entitled  "  Dernieres  Decouvertes  dans 
1'Amerique  Septentionale  deM.de  La 
Sale  ;  mifes  au  jour  par  M.  le  Chevalier 
Tonti,  Governeur  du  Fort  Saint  Louis 
aux  Illinois,  Paris,  1697  ; "  it  was  re- 
printed in  Amfterdam  in  1720,  and  in 
the  5th  volume  of  the  "Recueil  deVoy- 
age^au  Nord,"  under  the  title  of  "  Rela- 
tion de  la  Louifianne  et  du  Mifliffipi,  par 
le  Chevalier  de  Tonti,  Governeur  du 
Fort  Saint  Louis  aux  Illinois ;  "  and  in 
Englifh  as,  "An  Account  of  M.  De  La 
Salle's  Laft  Expedition  and  Difcoveries 
in  North  America ;  prefented  to  the 
French  King,  and  publifhed  by  Cheva- 
lier Tonti,  Governour  of  Fort  Saint 
Louis,  in  the  Province  of  Illinois. 
Made  Englifh  from  the  Paris  original. 
London,  1698."  Charlevoix,  however, 
fays  that  M.  De  Tonti  difavowed  the 
publication.  —  J.  R.  B. 


(230) 


[21] 


and  tho1  knowne  by  name  and  demanded  by  Sr  Edmund 
Andros,  yet  Marque  d'Nonville  the  French  Governour 
refufed  to  furrander  them.  Soon  after  the  Indians  to  the 
Eaftward  upon  a  mifunderftanding  betwixt  them  and  the 
Englim,  fell  upon  the  Englifh  townes  in  the  Province  of 
Maine,  deftroying  their  corne  and  cattle,  burnt  their  houfes, 
killed  fome  and  took  others  of  the  inhabitants  prifoners ; 
having  with  them  a  French  prieft  in  their  councills. 

Upon  the  Governors  returne  from  Albany  to  Boflon 
(where  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  exprefs'd  great  duty 
and  obedience,)  finding  the  Indians  continuing  to  make 
fpoil  upon  the  Englim  plantacons,  it  was  ordered  in  Coun- 
cill  that  a  confiderable  force  mould  be  raifed,  and  the  con- 
duct of  that  expedicon  was  offered  upon  very  good  terms 
to  Major  Generall  Winthrop  one  of  the  Councill ;  but  he, 
unwilling  to  ferve  His  native  countrey,  and  others  alfo  re- 
fufmg  that  command,  the  Governor  undertook  that  difficult 
fategue  in  the  depth  of  winter ;  and  tho'  by  unufuall  mild- 
nefs  of  the  winter  the  rivers  and  lakes  were  not  frozen,  fo 
as  his  men  could  march  after  the  Indians  when  and  where 
he  intended,  yett  they  were  wholly  reftrained  from  doing 
any  dammage  to  the  Englim  townes,  by  feverall  forts  built 
by  him  fo  advantageouily,  upon  the  rivers  and  paffes.  Upon 
the  firft  froft  he  was  out  a  week  in  the  head  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  good  men,  marching  a  foot  thro'  difmall  and 
almoft  impaffable  fwamps,  at  which  time  were  taken  and 
defhroyed  about  thirty  Indian  canoes.  Some  time  after  a 
party  of  one  hundred  and  fixty  men  marched  above  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  right  up  into  the  countrey,  in  a 
deep  fnow,  and  burnt  two  Indian  forts  from  whence  they 
carried  corne  beaver  ammunition  and  goods  taken  from 
Englim,  and  deftroyed  and  brought  away  twenty  eight 
Indian  canoes,  and  reduced  them  to  the  ufe  of  their  bows 
and  arrows  that  they  could  not  much  longer  hold  out,  but 

beg 
(231) 


beg  their  lives  upon  any  termes,  had  not  fome  merchants 
in  Boflon  (Fofler  &  Waterhoufe)  chiefe  in  this  rebellion 
(during  the  Governors  abfence  from  thence)  fent  a  veffell  of 
forty  tunns  with  fupplyes  of  powder,  mott,  bread,  Indian 
Corne  and  Englilh  linnen  and  woollen  manufacture  to 
trade  with  thofe  Indians  and  the  French,  betweene  Port 
Royall  and  Penobfcott,  who  were  alfoe  in  great  want. 

The  Governo1"  left  the  forces  to  the  Eaflward  on  the  fix- 
tenth  of  March  and  arrived  in  Boflon  about  a  week  after, 
and  affoon  as  thofe  fouldiers  had  notice  of  the  difturbance 
in  Boflon,  fome  forfooke,  others  revolted,  feized  upon  their 
officers,  and  fent  them  bound  prifoners  neither ;  fo  that  all 
that  countrey,  extending  above  fourty  leagues  upon  the  fea 
more,  that  was  fecured  in  their  fiihery  and  fawmills  is  now 
deferted  and  left  to  the  ravage  of  the  barbarous  heathens, 
who  are  already  come  down,  have  deftroyed  and  burnt  fome 
forts  and  feverall  dwelling  houfes  and  kill'd  fome  of  the  peo- 
ple the  miferable  inhabitants,  in  no  way  capable  to  preferve 
themfelves  and  cattle  but  by  flight. 

The  French  have  above  four  thoufand  good  men  about 
Canada,  ready  for  any  defigne.  I  expect  that  upon  the 
newes  of  the  Bofloners  reaffuming  their  old  government 
(no  care  being  taken  for  the  out  townes  and  Provinces)  they 
will  joyne  with  the  Indians,  and  in  a  fhort  time  fwallow  and 
be  mafters  of  that  part  of  the  Countrey  (not  long  fmce 
granted  to  the  French  Weft  India  Company  by  patent  from 
their  King,)  and  then  being  poffeffed  of  our  befl  ports  & 
harbours,  be  maflers  of  all  the  great  mafls  in  New  England 
and  will  infefl  the  trade  of  other  the  Englifh  forraine  plan- 
tacons :  the  prevention  whereof  was  one  chiefe  ground  of 
putting  all  thofe  petty  governments  under  one  generall  Gov- 
ernour. 

My  Lords.  Notwithstanding,  all  the  pretenfions  of  griev- 
ances menconed  in  their  papers,  and  cryes  of  oppreffion  in 

the 
•  (232) 


[23] 


the  Governrs  proceedings,  it's  not  the  perfon  of  Sr  Edmund 
Andros,  but  the  government  itfelf,  they  defigne  to  have  re- 
moved, that  they  may  freely  trade  ;  and  therefore  urge  a 
neceffity  of  His  Matys  grant  for  a  new  or  confirming  their 
old  charter. 

I  take  leave  humbly  to  reprefent  to  yor  Lordfhipps  that 
the  bottom  and  plain  truth  of  the  whole  matter  of  complaint 
againft  His  Majeftyes  immediate  government  from  England 
arifes  upon  the  following  reafons. 

Ist  Becaufe  fmce  the  vacating  their  charter  they  have  bin 
kept  from  the  breach  of  the  Ac~ts  for  Trade  and  Navigacon, 
encouraged  by  their  former  government  to  trade  to  France 
Holland  Spaine  Scotland  and  Ireland,  bringing  the  commo- 
dityes  of  thofe  Kingdomes  directly  to  Bofton,  paying  only  a 
fmall  cuftome  for  the  fupport  of  their  own  government,  and 
alfoe  carrying  the  plantacon  commodityes  directly  to  thofe 
kingdomes,  without  ever  touching  at  or  paying  the  cuftomes 
in  England  as  the  law  requires.  They  are  reftrained  from 
fetting  out  privateers  who  for  many  yeares  together  robbed 
the  Spanim  Weft  Indies  and  brought  great  bootyes  to 
Bofton ;  and  alfo  they  durft  not  during  the  Governour's 
time,  harbour  pyratts.  This  place  was  the  common  recep- 
tacle of  pyratts  of  all  nations. 

2nd.  About  fifteene  yeares  agoe  Captain  1'Moin  a  French- 
man brought  in,  two  or  three  very  rich  Dutch  prizes  worth 
above  one  hundred  thoufand  pounds.  Mr  Richard  Wharton 
one  of  the  Agents  foliciting  for  the  Charter  (if  in  England) 
was  L'Moins  Atturney.  He  was  a  great  undertaker  for 
pyratts  and  promoter  of  irregular  trade.  I  forbear  to  trouble 
yor  Lordfhips  with  the  inftances  of  any  more  pyratts  who 
have  bin  received  and  prtec~ted  by  fome  now  in  the  prefent 
government. 

3d  They  have  bin  reftrained  from  tradeing  with  the 
French  at  Newfoundland  by  exprefs  order  from  the  Com- 

miconers, 
DD  (233) 


[24] 

miconers  of  His  Matyes  Cuftomes,  which  very  much  enraged 
thofe  merchants  who  traded  in  great  quantityes  for  brandy  and 
other  French  goods,  brought  thither  directly  from  France. 

4  Their  liberty  of  coining  money  is  taken  away  which 
encouraged  pyratts  to  bring  their  plate  hither,  becaufe  it 
could  be  coined  and  conveyed  in  great  parcells  undifcovered 
to  be  fuch.  Mr  Sewell  another  of  the  Agents  attending  in 
England  was  Mafter  of  the  Mint,  and  a  loofer  by  putting 
that  down. 

5th  The  Minifters,  who  in  their  Government  were  chiefe 
in  advifing  and  directing  matters  of  publique  import,  as  well 
in  electing  Magiftrates  as  in  makeing  laws  and  what  elfe  did 
relate  to  the  government,  and  now  chiefe  in  contriving  & 
fetting  on  foot  this  generall  revolt  and  fubverfion  of  the  gov- 
ernment ;  were  not  confulted  with. 

Their  prefent  practice  fince  their  revolt  is  a  fufficient 
demonftracon  of  what  they  intend  to  doe  when  they  receive 
a  Charter.  They  have  already  fett  at  liberty  feverall  pyratts 
imprifoned  in -the  common  gaole,  who  robb'd  a  Spaniih  fhip 
loaden  with  about  four  thoufand  Spanifh  hydes,  money, 
plate,  and  rich  commodityes,  which  they  brought  into  this 
countrey,  murthered  eight  of  the  men,  &  brought  with  them 
two  Spaniih  captives,  who,  with  the  confeffion  of  fome  in 
their  company  at  fea,  have  made  undenyable  proofe  of  it ; 
and  they  have  liberty  to  fell  their  hydes  and  go  about  their 
bufmefs ;  fince  which  the  pyratts  have  fold  the  two  Spanifh 
witneffes  in  this  towne. 

Three  privateers  are  now  fitting  out  for  the  Spanifli  Weft 
Indies. 

Five  Minifters  of  Bofton,  viz1  Moode,81  Allen,82  Young, 

Mather, 

81  Reverend  Jofhua  Moody,  a  Con-    graduated  at  Harvard  in  1653,  and  died 
gregational  minifter,  originally  of  Portf-     July  4,  1697,  aged  64.  —  J.  R.  B. 
mouth,  New  Hampfhire,  and  afterwards          **  Reverend  James  Allen,  a  graduate 
affiftant  of  the  firft  church  in  Bofton,     of  Oxford,  England,  came  to  America 

in 

(234) 


[25] 

Mather,83  Willard,84  and  Milburn  an  Anabaptift  Minifter, 
were  in  the  Councill  Chamber  on  the  eighteenth  of  Aprill 
when  the  Govern1"  and  myfelfe  were  brought  out  of  the  Fort 
before  them,  writeing  orders,  and  were  authors  of  fome  of 
their  printed  papers. 

My  Lords.  I  am  kept  very  inhumanely  and  the  Gov- 
ernour  worfe,  whofe  packett  fent  by  expreffe  order  from 
Whitehall  and  letters  of  both  publick  and  private  concernes 
of  his  and  mine,  are  ftop'd  and  open'd  by  Sr  William  Phips, 
who  fays  the  Governr  is  a  rogue  and  mail  not  have  his 
packetts  nor  letters,  and  pretends  an  order  for  fo  doing  and 
keeps  them  from  us.  I  humbly  intreat  the  favour  off  your 
Lordmips  that  I  be  not  expofed  here  to  the  malice  of  thofe 
who,  for  my  faithfull  fervice  to  the  Crowne  for  fourteen 
yeares  in  this  countrey,  are  become  my  enemyes ;  but  rather, 
if  yor  Lordmips  pleafe,  that  they  may  be  commanded  to  fend 
over  me  and  my  accufers  to  England,  to  anfwer  what  they 
have  to  charge  me  with. 

I  have  many  things  (relateing  to  the  well  being  of  this 
countrey)  of  great  import  to  His  Matyes  fervice,  which,  being 
now  a  cloffe  prifoner  and  all  my  papers  and  materiall  write- 
ings  kept  from  me,  I  am  in  no  condition  to  tranfmitt  to  yor 
Lordfhips,  but  expect,  with  patience  by  your  Lordmips 
direccons  for  a  fpeedy  opportunity  for  fo  doing. 
All  which  is  humbly  fubmitted  by 

EDW.  RANDOLPH. 

From  the  Common  Gaole  in 
Bofton  the  29.  of  May  1689. 

Indorfed  "  Recd  from  Mr  Randolph 
"3  July.  1689." 

in  1662.     He  died,  while  minifter  of  the  84  Reverend  Samuel  Willard,  of  the 

firft  Congregational  church  in  Bofton,  Old  South  Church,  Bofton,  and  Prefi- 

September  22,  1710,  aged  78  years. —  dent  of  Harvard  College,  where  he  grad- 

J.  R.  B.  uated  in  1659.   Died  Sept.  12,  1707,  aged 

143  Reverend      Cotton      Mather.—  68.  —  J.  R.  B. 
Hutch.  —  }.  R.  B. 

(235) 


[26] 

[New  York  Hiftorical  Documents,  vol.  iii.  p.  664.] 

Edward    Randolph  to  Major   Brockholes. 

Letter  intercepted  by  Leifler  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Major 

Brockholls. 

COMMON  GOAL  Dec.  28.  1689. 

RECEIVED  this  morning  your  letter  of  ye  i8th 
inftant  by  wch  I  find  that  your  rebbells  are  no 
changlings,  &  Leifler  and  his  partners  make  true 
the  proverb,  fett  beggars  on  horfeback  and  they 
will  ride  to  ye  Divell.  I  am  well  affured  y4  ye  letters  fent  by 
Riggs  ought  to  be  putt  in  ye  hands  of  ye  Members  of  ye 
Councill  and  ye  Juftices  of  ye  peace  ;  but  its  fallen  out  very 
unhappy  for  thofe  who  muft  live  under  ye  fury  of  a  conceited 
rabble.  Our  people  are  much  concerned  to  know  what  to 
do  with  us ;  they  know  if  they  fend  us  home  &  have  nothing 
to  charge  upon  us,  'twill  not  found  well  on  their  fide.  They 
meet  in  2  or  3  dayes,  they  adjourn,  and  do  nothing  as  they 
ought.  The  Governor  and  wee  have  wrote  to  them  twife.  I 
have  wrot  2  letters  in  my  own  bufines,  &  their-  wife  wor- 
fhipps  give  us  no  anfwere ;  they  are  at  their  old  trade  of 
wheedling  at  home,  and  delaying  us  here  in  hopes  to  gett 
their  Charter ;  expecting  yl  all  gent"  even  the  Lords  of  ye 
Councill  who  have  formerly  been  for  vacating  their  Charter, 
fhall  be  putt  out  of  their  places.  The  Govr  is  of  opinion 
wee  fhall  be  all  fent  fpeedily,  but  2  or  3  fhipps  are  now 
ready;  they  have  embarg'd  them  for  their  pleafure.  Capt 
George  received  orders  to  go  for  England  and  convoy  home 
ye  2  mafts  fliips,  arrived  at  Pifcataqua ;  he  has  laid  his  fliip 
by  ye  wharfe,  taken  out  her  gunns  and  powder  (a  very  fcarc 

comodity 
(236) 


comodity  here)  I  feare  he  will  meet  with  trouble  from  his 
men,  when  he  cannot  keep  them  aboard,  and  ye  fame  men 
who  made  them  mutiny  before,  are  as  ready  (as  ever)  to  ye 
like  or  worfe  damage  to  him  and  his  fhip  upon  ye  firft  occa- 
fion.  Sir,  God  fend  us  well  to  England ;  I  will  not  omitt  ye 
commands  relating  to  ye  pay  of  your  Companyes,  nor  any 
thing  which  falls  in  my  power  to  be  Serviceable  to  your  con- 
cerne  at  home  or  in  New  York.  My  humble  fervice  to 
yr  Lady85  and  to  Col:  Bayard.  I  mail  be  glad  to  receive  a 
letter  from  you  directed  to  me  at  ye  Plantation  Office. 
Wifhing  health  and  a  happy  fettlement  to  your  Province 
and  to  all  your  affaires, 

I  am  Sr  your  affured  friend  &  feiV      EDW.  RANDOLPH. 

My  fervice  to  Coll:  Dongan  & 
Coll.  Smith  when  you  fee  him 

To  Major  Brockholes  at 
New  York.     Prefent. 


[R.  I.  Records,  iii.  339.] 

36  Extra6l  from  a  letter  to  the  Board  of 

Trade. 

"  BOSTON  May  the  3oth,  1698. 
MAY   IT    PLEASE    YOUR    LORDSHIPS  I 

WROTE  to  the   Board  very  largely  from  New 
York,  to  which   I  humbly  refer  your  Lordfhips. 
I  left  that  place  the  21  ft  inftant  and  came  to 
Rhode  Ifland  the  24th  following;  when  Walter 
Clarke  (a  Quaker)  being  feverall  years  Governor,  quitted  the 

place 

85  Juffrou  Sufanna  Shriek  (2  New  fhowing,  perhaps,  the  lateft  connection 

York  Hiftorical  Society's  Collections,  of  Randolph  with  Bofton.  His  figna- 

i.  395).  —  J.  R.  B.  ture  fhows  his  office  as  Surveyor-Gen- 

80  We  print  this  extract  mainly  as  eral. 

(237) 


[28] 

place  becaufe  he  would  not  take  the  oath  enjoyned  him  by 
the  Acls  of  Trade ;  and  Samuel  Cranfton  (Clarke's  nephew) 
is  Governor  there  to  the  fame  end  as  Mr  Markham  is  Gov- 
ernor in  Pennfylvania,  only  to  take  the  Oaths  enjoyned  by 
the  Act  for  preventing  frauds." 


"  All  which  is  humbly  fubmitted  to  your  Lordfhips  by 
your  Honors  mofl  humble  fervant 

E.  RANDOLPH,  S.  G. 


(238) 


CONCLUSION. 


87TN  clofing  the  third  volume  of  Andres's  Trafts,  we  have  to  fay  that  a  great 
amount  of  curious  and  interefting  material  ftill  remains  unpublifhed.  Our 
aim  has  been  to  prefent  chiefly  the  tracts  and  pamphlets  which  were  iffued  dur- 
ing the  Inter-Charter  Period,  with  fuch  documents  as  illuftrated  thofedifcuffions. 
The  Archives  of  the  State  contain  many  other  documents  of  prime  importance ; 
but  a  proper  publication  of  them  would  be  a  tafk  too  great  for  any  aflbciation 
like  the  Prince  Society  to  undertake.  It  is  certainly  to  be  hoped  that  the  State 
will  foon  appreciate  the  value  of  its  documents,  and  will  publifh  at  leaft  a  fynopfis 
of  its  volumes. 


(239) 


THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 


EE 


IN  THE  YEAR   ONE   THOUSAND   EIGHT  HUNDRED  AND 
SEVENTY-FOUR. 


AN  ACT  TO  INCORPORATE  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY. 


Be  it  enabled  by  the  Senate  and  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  in  General  Court 
ajfembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  fame,  as  follows  : 

SECTION  I.  John  Ward  Dean,  J.  Wingate  Thornton,  Edmund  F.  Slafter, 
and  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  their  aflbciates  and  fucceflbrs,  are  made  a  corporation 
by  the  name  of  the  PRINCE  SOCIETY,  for  the  purpofe  of  preferving  and  extending 
the  knowledge  of  American  Hiftory,  by  editing  and  printing  fuch  manufcripts, 
rare  tracts,  and  volumes  as  are  moftly  confined  in  their  ufe  to  hiftorical  ftudents 
and  public  libraries. 

SECTION  .2.  Said  corporation  may  hold  real  and  perfonal  eftate  to  an 
amount  not  exceeding  thirty  thoufand  dollars. 

SECTION  3.    This  a6l  mall  take  effect  upon  its  paflage. 

Approved  March  18,  1874. 


NOTE.  —  The  Prince  Society  was  organized  on  the  25th  of  May,  1858. 
What  was  undertaken  as  an  experiment  has  proved  fuccefsful.  This  ACT  OF 
INCORPORATION  has  been  obtained  to  enable  the  Society  better  to  fulfil  its 
object,  in  its  expanding  growth. 

(242) 


THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 


CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I.  —  This  Society  fhall  be  called  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY  ; 
and  it  lhall  have  for  its  object  the  publication  of  rare  works,  in 
print  or  manufcript,  relating  to  America. 

ARTICLE  II.  —  The  officers  of  the  Society  mall  be  a  Prefident, 
four  Vice-Prefidents,  a  Correfponding  Secretary,  a  Recording 
Secretary,  and  a  Treasurer ;  who  together  fhall  form  the  Council 
of  the  Society. 

ARTICLE  III.  —  Members  maybe  added  to  the  Society  on  the 
recommendation  of  any  member  and  a  confirmatory  vote  of  a 
majority  of  the  Council. 

Libraries  and  other  Inftitutions  may  hold  membermip,  and  be 
reprefented  by  an  authorized  agent. 

All  members  mail  be  entitled  to  and  lhall  accept  the  volumes 
printed  by  the  Society,  as  they  are  iffued  from  time  to  time,  at  the 
prices  fixed  by  the  Council ;  and  memberfhip  mail  be  forfeited  by 
a  refufal  or  neglect  fo  to  accept  the  faid  volumes. 

Any  perfon  may  terminate  his  membermip  by  refignation  ad- 
dreff  ed  in  writing  to  the  Prefident ;  provided,  however,  that  he  fhall 
have  previoufly  paid  for  all  volumes  iffued  by  the  Society,  after  the 
date  of  his  election  as  a  member. 

ARTICLE  IV.  —  The  management  of  the  Society's  affairs  fhall 
be  vefted  in  the  Council,  which  fhall  keep  a  faithful  record  of  its 

proceedings, 
(243) 


The  Prince  Society. 


proceedings,  and  report  the  fame  to  the  Society  annually,  at  its 
General  Meeting  in  May. 

ARTICLE  V.  —  On  the  anniverfary  of  the  birth  of  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  —  namely,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  May,  in  every 
year  (but  if  this  day  mall  fall  on  Sunday  or  a  legal  holiday,  on 
the  following  day),  —  a  General  Meeting  mail  be  held  at  Bofton,  in 
Maffachufetts,  for  the  purpofe  of  electing  officers,  hearing  the 
report  of  the  Council,  auditing  the  Treafurer's  account,  and  tran- 
facling  other  bufinefs. 

ARTICLE  VI.  —  The  officers  mall  be  chofen  by  the  Society  an- 
nually, at  the  General  Meeting ;  but  vacancies  occurring  between 
the  General  Meetings  may  be  filled  by  the  Council. 

ARTICLE  VII.  —  By-Laws  for  the  more  particular  government 
of  the  Society  may  be  made  or  amended  at  any  General  Meeting. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  —  Amendments  to  the  Conftitution  may  be  made 
at  the  General  Meeting  in  May,  by  a  three-fourths  vote,  provided 
that  a  copy  of  the  fame  be  tranfmitted  to  every  member  of  the 
Society,  at  leaft  two  weeks  previous  to  the  time  of  voting  thereon. 

COUNCIL. 


RULES     AND     REGULATIONS. 

1.  THE  Society  mail  be  adminiftered  on  the  mutual  principle, 
and  folely  in  the  intereft  of  American  hiftory. 

2.  A  volume  mail  be  iffued  as  often  as  practicable,  but  not  more 
frequently  than  once  a  year. 

3.  An  editor  of  each  work  to  be  iffued  mail  be  appointed,  who 
mail  be  a  member  of  the  Society,  whofe  duty  it  mail  be  to  pre- 
pare, arrange,  and  conduct  the  fame  through  the  prefs  ;  and,  as  he 
will  neceffarily  be  placed  under  obligations  to  fcholars  and  others 

for 
(244) 


The  Prince  Society. 


for  afliftance,  and  particularly  for  the  loan  of  rare  books,  he  fhall 
be  entitled  to  receive  ten  copies,  to  enable  him  to  acknowledge  and 
return  any  courtefies  which  he  may  have  received. 

4.  All   editorial   work  and   official  fervice   fhall   be  performed 
gratuitoufly. 

5.  All   contracts  connected   with   the  publication  of  any  work 
mall  be  laid  before  the  Council  in  diftinct  fpecifications  in  writ- 
ing, and  be  adopted  by  a  vote  of  the  Council,  and  entered  in  a 
book  kept  for  that  purpofe  ;  and,  when  the  publication  of  a  volume 
is  completed,  its  whole  expense  mall  be  entered,  with  the  items 
of  its  coft  in  full,  in  the  fame  book.     No  member  of  the  Council 
mall  be  a  contractor  for  doing  any  part  of  the  mechanical  work 
of  the  publications. 

6.  The  price  of  each  volume  mail  be  a  hundredth  part  of  the 
coft  of  the  edition,  or  as  near  to  that  as  conveniently  may  be  ;  and 
there  shall  be  no  other  affeffments  levied  upon  the  members  of 
the  Society. 

7.  A  fum,  not  exceeding  fix  hundred  dollars,  may  be  held  by 
the  Council  as  a  working  capital ;   and,  when  the  balance  in  the 
treafury  fhall  exceed  that  fum,  the  excefs  fhall  be  divided,  from 
time  to  time,  among  the  members  of  the  Society,  by  remitting 
either  a  part  or  the  whole  coft  of  a  volume,  as  may  be  deemed 
expedient. 

8.  All  moneys  belonging  to  the  Society  fhall  be  depofited  in  the 
New  England  Truft  Company  in  Bofton,  unlefs  fome  other  banking 
inftitution  fhall  be  defignated  by  a  vote  of  the  Council ;  and  faid 
moneys  fhall  be  entered  in  the  name  of  the  Society,  fubject  to  the 
order  of  the  Treafurer. 

9.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Prefident  to  call  the  Council  to- 
gether, whenever  it  may  be  neceffary  for  the  tranfaction  of  bufmefs, 
and  to  prefide  at  its  meetings. 

10.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Vice-Prefidents  to  authorize  all 
bills  before  their  payment,  to  make  an  inventory  of  the  property 

of 

(245) 


The  Prince  Society. 


of  the  Society  during  the  month  preceding  the  annual  meeting, 
and  to  report  the  fame  to  the  Council,  and  to  audit  the  accounts 
of  the  Treafurer. 

11.  It  mail  be  the  duty  of  the  Correfponding  Secretary  to  iffue 
all  general  notices  to  the  members,  and  to  conduct  the  general 
correfpondence  of  the  Society. 

12.  It  mall  be  the  duty  of  the  Recording  Secretary  to  keep  a 
complete  record  of  the  proceedings  both  of  the  Society  and  of 
the  Council,  in  a  book  provided  for  that  purpofe. 

13.  It  mail   be   the   duty  of  the   Treafurer  to  forward   to   the 
members  bills  for  the  volumes,  as  they  are  iffued  ;  to  fuperintend 
the  fending  of  the  books  ;    to  pay  all  bills  authorized  and  indorfed 
by  at  leaft  two  Vice-Prefidents  of   the  Society;  and  to  keep  an 
accurate  account  of  all  moneys  received  and  difburfed. 

14.  No  books  mail  be  forwarded  by  the  Treafurer  to  any  mem- 
ber until  the  amount  of  the  price  fixed  for  the  fame  mall  have 
been  received ;  and  any  member  neglecting  to  forward  the  faid 
amount  for  one  month  after  his  notification,  mall  forfeit  his  mem- 
berfhip. 


(246) 


OFFICERS 

OF 

THE    PRINCE    SOCIETY. 


Prefident. 
JOHN  WARD   DEAN,  A.M.      . BOSTON,  MASS. 

Vice-Prefidents. 

JOHN  WINGATE  THORNTON,  A.M BOSTON,  MASS. 

THE  REV.   EDMUND   F.  SLAFTER,  A.M.      .     .     .  BOSTON,  MASS. 

WILLIAM   B.  TRASK,  ESQ BOSTON,  MASS. 

THE  HON.  CHARLES   H.  BELL,  A.M EXETER,  N.H. 

Correfponding  Secretary. 
CHARLES  W.  TUTTLE,  A.M. BOSTON,  MASS. 

Recording  Secretary. 
WILLIAM   H.  WHITMORE,  A.M BOSTON,  MASS. 

Treafurer. 

ELBRIDGE  H.  GOSS,  ESQ BOSTON,  MASS. 

(247) 


THE 


PRINCE    SOCIETY. 

1874. 


The  Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  LL.D.  .     .     .  Boflon,  Mafs. 

Samuel  Agnew,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Salomon  Alofsen,  Efq Jerfey  City,  NJ. 

Thomas  Coffin  Amory,  A.M .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  Sumner  Appleton,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  L.  Balcom,  Efq Claremont,  N.H. 

S.  L.  M.  Barlow,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Nathaniel  J.  Bartlett,  A.B Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell,  A.M Exeter,  N.H. 

John  J.  Bell,  A.M Exeter,  N.H. 

Samuel  L.  Boardman,  Efq Augufta,  Me. 

The  Hon.  James  Ware  Bradbury,  LL.D.      .     .     .  Augufta,  Me. 

John  M.  Bradbury,  Efq Ipfwich,  Mafs. 

J.  Carfon  Brevoort,  Esq Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

George  Brinley,  A.M Hartford,  Ct. 

J.  Bernard  Brinton,  M.D Philadelphia,  Pa. 

John  Carter  Brown,  A.M Providence,  R.I. 

John  Marftiall  Brown,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

Hubbard  W.  Bryant,  Efq Portland,  Me. 

The  Hon.  Edmund  Burke Claremont,  N.H. 

Thomas  O.  H.  P.  Burnham,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  I.  Buftinell,  Efq .•  New  York,  N.Y. 

George  Bigelow  Chafe,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Mellen  Chamberlain,  A.M Chelfea,  Mafs. 

Lucius  E.  Chittenden,  A.M New  York,  N.Y. 

Ethan  N.  Coburn,  Efq.    . Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Jeremiah  Colburn,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Deloraine  P.  Corey,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Eraftus  Corning,  Efq Albany,  N.Y. 

(248) 


The  Prince  Society. 


Abram  E.  Cutter,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

William  M.  Darlington,  Efq Pittf  burg,  Pa. 

Henry  B.  Dawfon,  Efq Morrifania,  N.Y. 

Charles  Deane,  LL.D Cambridge,  Mafs. 

John  Ward  Dean,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  Gardner  Drake,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Harry  H.  Edes,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Jonathan  Edwards,  Jr.,  A.B.,  M.D New  Haven,  Ct. 

Samuel  Eliot,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  George  E.  Ellis,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

A.  L.  Elwyn,  M.D Philadelphia,  Pa. 

John  Elwyn,  Efq -.     .  Portfmouth,  N.H. 

James  Emott,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  William  M.  Evarts,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

Charles  S.  Fellows,  Efq Chicago,  111. 

John  S.  H.  Fogg,  M.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  F.  Fowle,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  P.  Fowler,  Efq Danvers,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Richard  Frothingham,  LL.D.      .     '.     .  Charleftown,  Mafs. 

James  E.  Gale,  Efq Haverhill,  Mafs. 

Marcus  D.  Gilman,  Efq Montpelier,  Vt. 

The  Hon  John  E.  Godfrey        Bangor,  Me. 

Abner  C.  Goodell,  Jr.,  A.M Salem,  Mafs. 

Elbridge  H.  Gofs,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Horace  Gray,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  W.  Greenough,  A.B Bofton,  Mafs. 

Ifaac  J.  Greenwood,  A.M New  York,  N.Y. 

Charles  H.  Guild,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Robert  S.  Hale,  LL.D Elizabethtown,  N.Y. 

C.  Fifke  Harris,  A.M Providence,  R.I. 

The  Hon.  Francis  B.  Hayes,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Francis  S.  Hoffman,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

James  F.  Hunnewell.  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Theodore  Irwin,  Efq Ofwego,  N.Y. 

William  Porter  Jarvis,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

FF  (249) 


The  Prince  Society. 


John  S.  Jennefs,  A.B New  York,  N.Y. 

Edward  F.  de  Lancey,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

John  J.  Latting,  A.M New  York,  N.Y. 

Thomas  J.  Lee,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Jofeph  Leonard,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

John  A.  Lewis,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Winflow  Lewis,  A.M.,  M.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  T.  R.  Marvin,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  F.  Matchett,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs 

Frederic  W.  G.  May,  Efq Bofton,  Mass. 

The  Rev.  James  H.  Means,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  H.  Moore,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  James  W.  North Augufta,  Me. 

George  T.  Paine,  Efq Providence,  R.I. 

Daniel  Parifh,  Jr.,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Francis  Parkman,  LL.B Bofton,  Mafs. 

Auguftus  T.  Perkins,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  William  Stevens  Perry,  D.D.      .     .     .  Geneva,  N.Y. 

William  C.  Peters,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

John  V.  L.  Pruyn,  A.M Albany,  N.Y. 

Samuel  S.  Purple,  M.D New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Rev.  Alonzo  H.  Quint,  D.D New  Bedford,  Mafs. 

Edward  S.  Rand,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Edward  S.  Rand,  Jr.,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  C.  Smith,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  T.  Snow,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Thomas  Spooner Reading,  Ohio. 

George  Stevens,  Efq Lowell,  Mafs. 

Edwin  W.  Stoughton,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Thomas,  LL.D.      .     .     .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

John  Wingate  Thornton,  A.M.      ......  Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  B.  Towne,  A.M Milford,  N.H. 

William  B.  Trafk,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  William  H.  Tuthill Tipton,  Iowa. 

Charles  W.  Tuttle,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

(250) 


The  Prince  Society. 


George  W.  Wales,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Joseph  B.  Walker,  A.M Concord,  N.H. 

Thomas  Waterman,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Miss  Rachel  Wetherill Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Henry  Wheatland,  A.M.,  M.D Salem,  Mafs. 

William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Auftin  Whitney,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Marfhall  P.  Wilder Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Winfor,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

The  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Aflibel  Woodward,  M.D Franklin,  Ct. 

The  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Wynne Richmond,  Va. 

LIBRARIES. 

American  Antiquarian  Society Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Amherft  College  Library Amherft,  Mafs. 

Bofton  Athenaeum Bofton,  Mafs. 

Bofton  Library  Society Bofton,  Mafs. 

Britifh  Mufeum London,  Eng. 

Concord  Public  Library Concord,  Mafs. 

Free  Public  Library Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Grofvenor  Library Buffalo,  N.Y. 

Hiftorical  Society  of  Pennfylvania Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Long  Ifland  Hiftorical  Society Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society Bofton,  Mafs. 

Mercantile  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

New  England  Hiftoric  Genealogical  Society   .     .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

Newbcryport  Public  Library,  Peabody  Fund    .     .  Newburyport,  Mafs. 

Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Bofton      ....  Bofton,  Mafs. 

Redwood  Library Newport,  R.I. 

State  Library  of  Maffachufetts Bofton,  Mafs. 

State  Library  of  New  York Albany,  N.Y. 

State  Library  of  Rhode  Ifland Providence,  R.I. 

State  Library  of  Vermont Montpelier,  Vt. 

Williams  College  Library Williamftown,  Mafs. 

(250 


PUBLICATIONS   OF   THE   SOCIETY. 


NEW  ENGLAND'S  PROSPECT. 

A  true,  lively  and  experimentall  defcription  of  that  part  of  America,  commonly  called 
New  England :  difcovering  the  State  of  that  Countrie,  both  as  it  ftands  to  our  new- 
come  Englijh  Planters;  and  to  the  old  Natiue  Inhabitants.  BY  WILLIAM  WOOD. 
London,  1634.  Preface  by  Charles  Deane,  LL.D. 

THE  HUTCHINSON  PAPERS. 

A  Collection  of  Original  Papers  relatiue  to  the  Hiftory  of  the  Colony  of  Maffachu- 
fetts-Bay.  Reprinted  from  the  edition  of  1769.  Edited  by  William  H.  Whitmore, 
A.M.,  and  William  S.  Appleton,  A.M.  2  vols. 

JOHN  DUNTON'S  LETTERS  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND. 

Letters  written  from  New  England  A.D.  1686.  By  John  Dunton  in  which  are 
defcribed  his  voyages  by  Sea,  his  travels  on  land,  and  the  characters  of  his  friends 
and  acquaintances.  Now  firft  publifhed  from  the  Original  Manufcript  in  the  Bodleian 
Library.  Oxford.  Edited  by  William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M. 

THE  ANDROS  TRACTS. 

Being  a  Collection  of  Pamphlets  and  Official  Papers  iffued  during  the  period  be- 
tween the  overthrow  of  the  Andros  Government  and  the  eftablifhment  of  the  fecond 
Charter  of  Maffachufetts.  Reprinted  from  the  original  editions  and  manufcripts. 
With  a  Memoir  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  by  the  editor,  William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M. 
3  vols. 

SIR  WILLIAM  ALEXANDER  AND  AMERICAN  COLONIZATION. 

Including  three  Royal  Charters,  iffued  in  1621,  1625,  1628 ;  a  Tract  entitled  an 
Encouragement  to  Colonies,  by  Sir  William  Alexander,  1624 ;  a  Patent,  from  the 
Great  Council  for  New  England,  of  Long  Ifland,  and  a  part  of  the  prefent  State  of 
Maine ;  a  Roll  of  the  Knights  Baronets  of  New  Scotland  ;  with  a  Memoir  of  Sir 
William  Alexander,  by  the  editor,  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A  M. 


NOTE.  —  Communications  for  officers   of  the  Prince  Society  may  be  directed  to 
18  SOMERSET  STREET,  BOSTON. 

(252) 


INDEX. 


ALPHABETICAL    INDEX, 


A. 

Addington,  60,  61,  63,  85. 

Albany,  114. 

Alberry,  70. 

Alden,  33. 

Allen,  85,  234. 

Andros,  17,  31,  42,  43,  59,  72,  74,  86, 

88,  95,  no,  123,  129,  135,  199,  202, 

225,  235. 
Appleton,  196. 

B. 

Bant,  112. 
Bates,  177,  184. 
Baxter,  177. 
Bayard,  237. 
Bendall,  62. 
Billings,  102. 
Bird,  91. 
Blackwell,  84. 

Blathwayt,  134,  207,  208,  222. 
Bowdoin,  79,  80. 
Bowman,  91. 
Bradftreet,  45,  48,  51,  57,  59,  60,  97, 

113,  196. 
Brent,  226. 

Brockholft,  31,  236,  237. 
Bromfield,  63. 
Brown,  92. 
Bull,  32,  33. 
Bullivant,  129. 


Carter,  84. 
Cafco,  70. 


C. 


Caftine,  35,  36. 
Church,  95,  98. 
Church  of  England,  20. 
Clarke,  99. 
Clements,  79. 
Coggemall,  95,  98. 
Cooke,  33,  42,  58. 
Cudworth,  134. 

D. 

Darby,  91. 

Davis,  36,  70. 

Dudley,  104,  108,  no,  193. 

Dummer,  62,  70. 

E. 

Eleutherian  immigrants,  70. 
Eliot,  106. 
Emigration  A<51,  92. 


F. 

Farwell,  110. 
Fayerweather,  112. 
Five  Nations,  19,  28,  228. 
Floyd,  36. 
Forts,  72,  73. 
Fofter,  232. 


Gedney,  70. 
Glover,  224. 
Gold,  86. 
Gorges,  156. 
Graham,  110. 


(255) 


H. 


Alphabetical  Index. 


H. 

Hartman,  91. 

Harvard  College.  138,  146. 

Henchman,  32,  223. 

Holt,  156. 

How,  176. 

Hull,  62. 

Hutchins,  83. 


Illegal  trade,  55. 
Ives,  62. 


I. 


J. 


James  II.  (King),  131,  134,  141. 
Jeffreys,  141,  198. 
Jephfon,  148. 
Jordan,  31. 


L. 

Lemoin,  233. 
Leverett,  219. 
Lloyd,  32. 
Lockhart,  32,  36,  158. 

M. 

MacGregory,  32,  36. 

Marriages,  15. 

Marting,  62. 

Mary  (Queen),  158. 

Mafon,  62. 

Mafley,  89. 

Mather,  40,  57,  58,  123,  176,  181,  200, 

234. 

Mead.  154,  176. 
Melfort,  142. 
Menevel,  73. 
Milburn,  235. 
Mines,  7. 
Minot,  31. 
Monmouth,  155. 


Montague,  43. 
Moody,  234. 
More,  91. 
Morton,  190. 


N. 


Newechawanick,  106. 
Nicholfon,  195. 


O. 

Oakes,  42,  58. 

Onondagos,  76. 

Orange  (Prince  of) .     See  William. 


P. 

Palmer,  69,  105,  no,  204. 
Parfons,  63. 
Petre,  142,  226. 
Phillips,  62,  130. 
Phips,  47,  62,  182,  235. 
Pirates,  6,  44. 
Plymouth,  133. 
Port  Royal,  52. 
Poulter,  106. 
Powys,  226. 
Prentifs,  96,  100,  102. 
Prout,  6 1,  107. 
Puddington,  32. 


Quakers,  14,  100. 
Quebec,  49. 


R. 

Randolph,  in,  128,  204,211-222,235- 

238. 
Riggs,  in,  236. 


(256) 


Alphabetical  Index. 


s. 

Saltonftall,  196. 
Sampfon,  62. 
Sanders,  70,  117. 
Sanford,  96. 
Savage,  32. 
Scheneclady,  46,  1 14. 
Schuyler,  120.      • 
Scott,  81. 
Sewall,  234. 
Sherlock,  105,  no. 
Shrimpton,  62. 
Siveret,  69. 
Smith,  223. 
Stoddard,  70. 
Stuart,  89. 
Sutherland,  159. 
Svveyne,  106. 
Swift,  96,  102. 


Talbot,  82. 
Temple,  161. 
Thurfton,  130. 
Tonti,  229. 
Treby,  2. 
Trefry,  in. 
Turell,  223. 
Tuttle,  211. 
Tyng,  31,  80,  88. 


T. 


Uflier,  85. 


U. 


V. 


Van  Renflelaer,  120. 


W. 

Walley,  98,  100,  221. 

Waterhoufe,  232. 

Weems,  31,  36,  39. 

Welindrop,  91. 

Welfteed,  62. 

Weflels,  117,  120. 

Weft,  94,  103,  109,  no,  224. 

Wharton,  74,  146,  157,  233. 

White,  102. 

Whiting,  175. 

Whitmore,  106. 

Willard,  36. 

William  (King),   146,    148,    149,   I53> 

156,  162. 

Winnington,  226. 
Winthrop,  22. 
Wifwall,  33. 
Withington,  31. 
Woodcock,  101. 


(257) 


Cambridge  :   Press  of  John  Wilson  &  Son. 


UNIVERSITY  OP 


!^ 

.-^•ii 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


*«R  y 


DEC  1  81957 

m/?  1 9 


Form  L9-37m-3,'57(C5424s4)444 


